Washington Post begins sweeping layoffs - Sports coverage and the paper's podcast are among those hit the hardest as the storied newspaper struggles with declining revenue.

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The Washington Post announced sweeping layoffs Wednesday, with cuts expected to greatly reduce some coverage areas at the storied 150-year-old newspaper.

The wide-ranging job losses primarily affected the sports, books and podcast units, according to a source familiar with the situation. Foreign desks were also heavily impacted, along with cuts to business and national teams. “The Washington Post is taking a number of difficult but decisive actions today for our future, in what amounts to a significant restructuring across the company," a Post spokesperson told NBC News.

The Post, which has won dozens of Pulitzer prizes — most famously for its Watergate coverage that led to Richard Nixon’s resignation in 1974 — has been owned since 2013 by Amazon founder Jeff Bezos.
Though many American newspapers have struggled financially in recent years, Bezos is the fourth-richest person in the world, with a net worth of about $260 billion, according to Bloomberg’s Billionaire Index. That hasn't spared the paper from layoffs. The latest round of layoffs follows a 4% staff cut roughly a year ago, though those cuts did not affect the newsroom.
In response to the announcement, the Washington Post Guild, which represents hundreds of newsroom employees, said the staff has been reduced by 400 people over the last three years. "These layoffs are not inevitable. A newsroom cannot be hollowed out without consequences of its credibility, its reach and its future," the union said.

The announcement follows recent scrutiny over newsroom budget decisions, including the paper’s shifting plans around Winter Olympics coverage.

As first reported by The New York Times, the paper initially told more than a dozen journalists it would no longer send them to cover the Winter Olympics in Italy, less than three weeks before the Games were set to begin. After public criticism, including from prominent sports journalists, the paper reversed course again and now expects to send four reporters, NBC News confirmed.
In a statement, former Post editor Marty Baron said Wednesday’s announcement “ranks among the darkest days in the history of one of the world’s greatest news organizations.”
And ahead of the layoffs, members from the Post’s local desk wrote in an open letter dated Jan. 27 to Bezos that they had been warned their section would be “decimated” and left “unrecognizable,” urging leadership to preserve the paper’s local coverage.
Similarly, the guild had also warned in the days leading up to Wednesday’s announcement that the cuts could “potentially leave our newsroom even smaller than the one [Bezos] purchased — and losing twice as much money.
Several journalists confirmed in posts on X that they were among those laid off. They include: Caroline O’Donovan, who covers Amazon at the Post; Nicole Asbury, an education reporter covering Maryland; and Emmanuel Felton, a race and ethnicity reporter, who wrote, "this wasn’t a financial decision, it was an ideological one."
The media industry has entered a broader period of reckoning, with both legacy players — from broadcast giants to newspapers — and digital outlets grappling with rising costs and debt-ridden balance sheets as audiences shift how they consume news.
Declining advertising revenue and intensifying competition have pushed companies to accelerate cost-cutting moves and restructure plans across the industry.
As a result, recent years have been marked by repeated rounds of layoffs and consolidation as media companies attempt to realign their businesses with a rapidly evolving landscape.
Most recently, Netflix has moved to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery as consolidation pressures intensify, while rival Paramount Global continues to pursue its own bid after merging with Skydance Media last year. CBS, under the new leadership of Bari Weiss, is also seeking to reinvent itself and has reportedly been considering additional layoffs. Weiss, the founder of the heterodox opinion publication The Free Press, joined CBS News as editor-in-chief last year.
But signs of strain across the industry have been building for years. Disney underwent a major restructuring in 2023, cutting roughly 7,000 jobs and reorganizing the business ahead of a planned CEO transition later this year.
Legacy newspapers have also been hit hard. The Los Angeles Times has carried out multiple rounds of layoffs in recent years, most recently enacting another 6% reduction to its newsroom in mid-2025.
The shift to digital-first platforms has not insulated news organizations from cuts, either. BuzzFeed shuttered its news division in 2023, while Vice Media filed for bankruptcy the same year. Business Insider also recently cut more than 20% of its workforce as it scaled back in some areas, while simultaneously accelerating its adoption of artificial intelligence — another area of investment permanently reshaping the industry.
And last year, as its corporate parent, Comcast, prepared to spin off its cable channels as Versant, NBC News Group laid off about 150 employees, representing about 2% of its workforce.
 
Learn to code.

Oh wait, AI can already do that.

Learn a trade and do something constructive for once in your useless existence.
 
Maybe they can put their laid off journos on an island and make a reality show out of it. We can watch them eat each other, then remaining journo gets his job back.
 
It was very telling that multiple big subreddits could only counter him by...bringing up past stupidity, rather than the report itself. Literally attacking Shirley, the person, and not what was actually in the report. For example:
It's that "criticism of the person" vs "criticism of the idea" dichotomy again.
I can't find the original meme, so I'll just recreate it with a couple random comics.

1770313771519.png
What is the punchline here? There isn't one. It's just saying "Look how brutish and evil ICE is! If you're ICE, this is you."

Contrast that with:
1770314031172.png
Where the punchline is calling attention to the behavior of the group.

They can't say Shirley is wrong. They can't say what he found is incorrect. So what do they do? They try to depict him - the person - as silly to discredit his findings. "See? This man is SILLY. You don't also want to be SILLY, do you? Don't support him or you will be SILLY."
 
The Washington Post announced sweeping layoffs Wednesday, with cuts expected to greatly reduce some coverage areas at the storied 150-year-old newspaper.
It has been years since I've had a news outlet beat randoms on the internet to the truth of a story, by hours to days. Social media confirmed every detail of Trumps assassination attempts within minutes, with a high degree of accuracy. Many institutional journalists started with the position of pretending that there weren't even gunshots, some took whole days to finally admit what was known widely, immediately by social media reporting. Hell, some tried taking the stance of disagreeing with the official white house press releases on it, wanting their audience to believe that they were being lied to on it solely for the reason of not wanting to admit some political win or point.

Journalists like to present their value as being deliverers of the truth, telling people about 'what matters', and to a much quieter degree, present themselves as essential to making sure the audience knows what to think about it. What they fail to see is that their value is not just in accuracy, but expediency, and they've completely and permanently lost that to the internet. Even the most expedient of journalists writing about a rapid fire series of events are often quoting twitter accounts and other social media posts for their own stories. Why would we pay or brave walls of ads to have slower access to often deliberately mischaracterized information, when getting right to the source is practically free?

The only place this doesn't really apply is in Business and Financial news, since most of the material to report on is dense and too difficult for the layman to easily parse, whereas a financial journalist can pick out key takeaways within hours, and that analysis worth is actually worth money to people with a LOT of money and little time to spend. Even then, big players like Forbes were cutting off large numbers of freelance writers they'd previously collaborated with, and some of the other business newspapers have still faced layoffs, just smaller ones in the 10-20% range that could very well be justified by adjustments required by the end of the free money covid era.

The simple fact is that most of these journalists aren't providing value. They a producing a good few people are interested in, with major and superior market competition from what's effectively a cottage industry of social media topic autists. The successful independent journalists almost universally copy this social media autist approach, hyperfixating on something they're actually good at and passionate about and have ground floor working knowledge of, with the sole deviation of it being a focus on larger structural articles rather than breaking news. This is your Medium and Substack creators who're getting by on a small audience of donors that appreciate the specificity of their works, who generally have a very specific thing they write about for that audience. And I'd argue that those authors are a subset of the much greater independent journalist class who do similar, but as youtube videos. The "Whats going on with shipping" and "Asianometry" of the world, creating near topical but not breaking news on their spaces when relevant in the wider cultural landscape, and "history of" videos when there's not so much going on, taking advantage of their niche knowledge and journalistic research to present topics to retain interest. Highly recommend Asianometry if you're interested in the semiconductor industry, by the way.

At the end of the day, these journalists are fixated on a world that passed by decades ago, that they clearly got into for the wrong reasons. All their conversation is about how to better monetize and engage people, rather than analyzing the product itself. They don't have to blindly copy what substack and youtube creators are doing, but they have to at least acknowledge "their changes lead to success, our stagnancy has not", and find a path of change that works for them. I can't say I know what it is, as frankly put, most of these remaining journalists are clowns. They're not subject matter experts, they're not particularly inquisitive or well connected, they're just demanding a paycheck for having put in less effort than I've put into effortposts like these.
 
suffah bishes. Don't call it a grave. Its the future you chose.

That's great, they did something over 50 years ago. They're not doing anything useful now and are another paper in all but name.
Did the post do anything? The deep state basically handed Watergate to them on a plate. Bob Woodward was ex-navy and idk about the other guy.
 
It has been years since I've had a news outlet beat randoms on the internet to the truth of a story, by hours to days. Social media confirmed every detail of Trumps assassination attempts within minutes, with a high degree of accuracy.
True, and it's the high accuracy that was shocking to me until I realized journos were corrupt and stupid.

The reporters from top newspapers were wrong as much or more often that randos on twitter or youtube. The journos would also double down on their inaccuracies and lies instead of updating their stories when more facts came out. They claimed to have inside sources, but were full of shit.
 
I suppose it didn't really help that during the time Hillary Clinton almost became president the Democrats and their supporters outright began assassinating all the investigative journalists. The one that did the research on the Panama papers, for example. Pretty much for the entirety of Trump's first presidency to halfway into Biden's there were lots of reports of journalists dying in strange ways after reporting on some form of corruption. Natural selection left only the idiots and the yes men.
 
ournalists like to present their value as being deliverers of the truth, telling people about 'what matters', and to a much quieter degree, present themselves as essential to making sure the audience knows what to think about it. What they fail to see is that their value is not just in accuracy, but expediency, and they've completely and permanently lost that to the internet. Even the most expedient of journalists writing about a rapid fire series of events are often quoting twitter accounts and other social media posts for their own stories. Why would we pay or brave walls of ads to have slower access to often deliberately mischaracterized information, when getting right to the source is practically free?

True, and it's the high accuracy that was shocking to me until I realized journos were corrupt and stupid.

The reporters from top newspapers were wrong as much or more often that randos on twitter or youtube. The journos would also double down on their inaccuracies and lies instead of updating their stories when more facts came out. They claimed to have inside sources, but were full of shit.
That's all good and fine in a normal world where journos are honest and genuinely trying to tell the truth. But the fact is that 99.99% of the mainstream corporate media are only journalists for the sake of spreading propaganda. They've always been partisan hacks. Walter Duranty from the NYT won a Pulitzer (journalism circlejerk award) for his coverup of the Holodomor.
 

How Jeff Bezos Brought Down the Washington​

TL;DR Bezos should continue floating the Washington Post to the tune of millions of dollars per year forever, otherwise, shitlibs will say mean things about him.

Also, the only genuine service the Washington Post provides is industrial-scale reputation destruction. (WATERGATE! FEAR US!)
On September 4, 2013, the Amazon founder Jeff Bezos held his first meeting with the staff of the Washington Post, the newspaper he had agreed to purchase a month earlier from the Graham family, for two hundred and fifty million dollars. It had been a long and unsettling stretch for the paper’s staff. We—I was a deputy editor of the editorial page at the time—had suffered through years of retrenchment. We trusted that Don Graham would place us in capable hands, but we did not know this new owner, and he did not know or love our business in the way that the Graham family had. Bezos’s words at that meeting, about “a new golden era for the Washington Post,” were reassuring. Bob Woodward asked why he had purchased the paper, and Bezos was clear about the commitment he was prepared to make. “I finally concluded that I could provide runway—financial runway—because I don’t think you can keep shrinking the business,” he said. “You can be profitable and shrinking. And that’s a survival strategy, but it ultimately leads to irrelevance, at best. And, at worst, it leads to extinction.”

To look back on that moment is to wonder: How could it have come to this? The paper had some profitable years under Bezos, sparked by the 2016 election and the first Trump term. But it began losing enormous sums: seventy-seven million dollars in 2023, another hundred million in 2024. The owner who once offered runway was unwilling to tolerate losses of that magnitude. And so, after years of Bezos-fuelled growth, the Post endured two punishing rounds of voluntary buyouts, in 2023 and 2025, that reduced its newsroom from more than a thousand staffers to under eight hundred, and cost the Post some of its best writers and editors. Then, early Wednesday morning, newsroom employees received an e-mail announcing “some significant actions.” They were instructed to stay home and attend a “Zoom webinar at 8:30 a.m.” Everyone knew what was coming—mass layoffs.

The scale of the demolition, though, was staggering—reportedly more than three hundred newsroom staffers. The announcement was left to the executive editor, Matt Murray, and human-relations chief Wayne Connell; the newspaper’s publisher, Will Lewis, was nowhere to be seen as the grim news was unveiled. In what Murray termed a “broad strategic reset,” the Post’s storied sports department was shuttered “in its current form”; several reporters will now cover sports as a “cultural and societal phenomenon.” The metro staff, already cut to about forty staffers during the past five years, has been shrunk to about twelve; the foreign desks will be reduced to approximately twelve locations from more than twenty; Peter Finn, the international editor, told me that he asked to be laid off. The books section and the flagship podcast, “Post Reports,” will end. Shortly after the meeting, staffers received individualized e-mails letting them know whether they would stay or go. Murray said the retrenched Post would “concentrate on areas that demonstrate authority, distinctiveness, and impact,” focussing on areas such as politics and national security. This strategy, a kind of Politico-lite, would be more convincing if so many of the most talented players were not already gone.

Graham, who has previously been resolutely silent about changes at the paper, posted a message on Facebook that pulsed with anguish. “It’s a bad day,” he wrote, adding, “I am sad that so many excellent reporters and editors—and old friends—are losing their jobs. My first concern is for them; I will do anything I can to help.” As for himself, Graham, who once edited the sports section, said, “I will have to learn a new way to read the paper, since I have started with the sports page since the late 1940’s.”

What happened to the Bezos of 2013, a self-proclaimed optimist who seemed to have absorbed the importance of the Post in the nation’s journalistic ecosystem? In 2016, dedicating the paper’s new headquarters, he boasted that it had become “a little more swashbuckling” and had a “little more swagger.” As recently as December, 2024, at the New York Times’ DealBook Summit, Bezos expressed his commitment to nurturing the paper: “The advantage I bring to the Post is when they need financial resources, I’m available. I’m like that. I’m the doting parent in that regard.” Not long ago, he envisioned attracting as many as a hundred million paying subscribers to the Post. With these brutal cuts, he seems content to let the paper limp along, diminished in size and ambition.

“In the beginning, he was wonderful,” Sally Quinn, the veteran Post contributor and wife of its legendary executive editor, Ben Bradlee, told me of Bezos. “He was smart and funny and kind and interested. He was joyful. He was a person of integrity and conscience. He really meant it when he said this was a sacred trust, to buy the Post. And now I don’t know who this person is.”

The author David Maraniss was with the Post for forty-eight years. He resigned as an associate editor in 2024, after Bezos killed the editorial page’s planned endorsement of Kamala Harris. “He bought the Post thinking that it would give him some gravitas and grace that he couldn’t get just from billions of dollars, and then the world changed,” Maraniss said of Bezos. “Now I don’t think he gives us—I don’t think he gives a flying fuck.”

I asked Maraniss what cuts of this magnitude would mean for the institution. “I don’t even want to call it the Washington Post,” he said. “I don’t know what it’ll be without all of that.”

The first sign of impending layoffs came in late January, when the sports staff was informed that plans to send writers to Italy to cover the Winter Olympics had been cancelled. (Management later agreed to send a smaller crew.) In the following days, as rumors began to spread of severe cuts, the paper’s reporters began posting messages directed at Bezos on X, with the plaintive hashtag #SaveThePost. “Our reporters on the ground drove exclusive coverage during pivotal moments of recent history,” the foreign staff wrote to Bezos. “We have so much left to do.” The local staff noted that it had already been slashed in half in the past five years. “Watergate,” they wrote, “started as a local story.”

It did not help the staff’s morale that Lewis and his team were hobnobbing in Davos, or that Bezos and his wife, Lauren Sánchez, were in Paris for Haute Couture Week. More troubling were reminders that Bezos, who once emblazoned “Democracy Dies in Darkness” on the paper’s masthead, appears to be pursuing a policy of appeasement toward the Trump Administration. During the first Trump term, Bezos stood by the Post even when his stewardship threatened to cost him billions in government contracts. Now Bezos had not said a word about a recent F.B.I. raid on the home of the Post federal-government reporter Hannah Natanson, in which the agency seized her phones, laptops, and other devices. As the staff awaited the axe, the President and the First Lady celebrated the première of “Melania,” a documentary that Amazon had licensed for forty million dollars and was reported to be spending another thirty-five million to promote. The deal was inked after Bezos had dinner with the Trumps shortly before the Inauguration.

Martin Baron, who oversaw coverage at the paper that garnered eleven Pulitzer Prizes during his eight years as executive editor, said in a statement, “This ranks among the darkest days in the history of one of the world’s greatest news organizations. The Washington Post’s ambitions will be sharply diminished, its talented and brave staff will be further depleted, and the public will be denied the ground-level, fact-based reporting in our communities and around the world that is needed more than ever.” The news industry is in “a period of head-spinning change,” Baron told me. But the Post’s problems “were made infinitely worse by ill-conceived decisions that came from the very top.” He pointed to Bezos’s decision to kill the Harris endorsement—a “gutless order” that cost the paper more than two hundred fifty thousand subscribers. “Loyal readers, livid as they saw owner Jeff Bezos betraying the values he was supposed to uphold, fled The Post. In truth, they were driven away, by the hundreds of thousands,” Baron said. “Bezos’s sickening efforts to curry favor with President Trump have left an especially ugly stain of their own. This is a case study in near-instant, self-inflicted brand destruction.”

I spent more than forty years at the Post, as a reporter, an editor, an editorial writer, and a columnist. I resigned last March, after Bezos announced that the Opinions section, where I worked, would henceforth be concentrating on the twin pillars of “personal liberties and free markets.” More alarming, Bezos advised, “Viewpoints opposing those pillars will be left to be published by others.” We had been an opinion section reflecting a wide range of views—which Bezos himself had encouraged. It seemed obvious that this change was deeply misguided.

I had written a column critical of the non-endorsement decision several months earlier. The paper published it without any substantive changes. But, when I wrote a column disagreeing with the no-dissent-allowed dictum, I was told that Lewis had killed it—it apparently didn’t meet the “high bar” for the Post to write about itself—and declined my request to meet. I submitted my letter of resignation. A new editorial-page editor went on to shift both unsigned editorials and signed opinion columns dramatically to the right, to the point that no liberal columnists remain. One recent editorial praised the President’s plan for a new ballroom and excused his unauthorized bulldozing of the East Wing, saying that “the blueprints would have faced death by a thousand papercuts.” Another endorsed the move to rename the Defense Department the Department of War as “a worthy blow against government euphemism.” There are some editorials critical of Trump, but the inclination to fawning praise is unmistakable. Had I not defenestrated myself, I would, no doubt, have been advised to take my buyout and go.

But I am not—at least, I have not been—a Bezos-hater. I am grateful for the resources, financial and technological, that he devoted to the paper in his early years as owner. The surprise of Bezos’s tenure at the Post has been his bad business decisions. Fred Ryan, a former chief of staff to Ronald Reagan and founding president of Politico, was hired as the publisher and C.E.O. in 2014 and oversaw a period of spectacular growth. Buoyed by Bezos-funded expansion and the public’s fixation on the new Trump Administration, the number of digital subscribers soared from thirty-five thousand when he arrived to two and a half million when he left, in the summer of 2023. But Ryan failed to develop an adequate plan for how the newspaper would thrive in a post-Trump environment. As traffic and revenue plunged, Ryan found himself increasingly at odds with the newsroom. He held a year-end town-hall meeting in 2022 at which he announced that layoffs were coming, and then, to the consternation of the staff, left without taking questions. As Clare Malone reported for The New Yorker, Woodward beseeched Bezos to intercede. The owner made a rare visit to the paper in January, 2023, for meetings with key staffers, taking notes on a legal pad as they poured out their anxiety.

Ryan left that summer, but Lewis, his eventual replacement, accomplished the feat of making the newsroom nostalgic for Ryan. A decade earlier, Lewis, then a senior executive in Rupert Murdoch’s British-tabloid empire, had played a pivotal role in dealing with the fallout from the phone-hacking scandal at some of Murdoch’s papers. Lewis had said that he was acting to protect “journalistic integrity,” when the Post questioned him about his actions during that time, but in 2024 questions arose, fuelled by a civil lawsuit brought against the papers, about whether Lewis had sought to conceal evidence, including by carrying out a plan to delete millions of e-mails. (Lewis has said the allegations against him were “completely untrue.”) At the Post, Lewis clashed with executive editor Sally Buzbee over coverage of the story, reportedly insisting that it was not newsworthy. Shortly afterward, Lewis announced Buzbee’s departure, and his plan to replace her with Robert Winnett, a former colleague of his from London’s Daily Telegraph and Sunday Times. The Post and the Times both reported on how Lewis and Winnett had used fraudulently obtained material as the basis for articles. “His ambition outran his ethics,” one of Lewis’s former reporters told the Times. Winnett ended up withdrawing from the position, but the episode poisoned relations between Lewis and the newsroom.

The staff, meanwhile, became increasingly concerned that Lewis was offering corporate word salad in place of a vision to address the Post’s decline. “Fix it, build it, scale it” was his catchphrase when he arrived, in January, 2024. In June of that year came an amorphous plan for what Lewis called a “third newsroom.” (The second newsroom, we were surprised to learn, was the Opinions section.) First, it was to focus on social media and service journalism. Then it was rechristened WP Ventures and, according to a memo to staff, would “focus entirely on building personality-driven content and franchises around personalities.” By February, 2025, the situation had deteriorated to the point that two former top editors, Leonard Downie and Robert Kaiser, wrote to Bezos about Lewis. “Replacing him is a crucial first step in saving The Washington Post,” they urged in an e-mail. Bezos never responded.

Downie, who served as executive editor from 1991 to 2008, contrasted the paths of the Times and the Post. During the past decade, the Times transformed itself into a one-stop-shopping environment that lured readers with games such as Spelling Bee, a cooking app, and a shopping guide. By the end of 2025, it was reporting close to thirteen million digital subscribers and an operating profit of more than a hundred and ninety-two million dollars. The Post does not release information about its digital subscribers, but it was reported to have two and a half million digital subscribers at the time of the non-endorsement decision, in 2024.

“One of the big differences to me was that they hired a publisher”—Ryan—“who didn’t come up with any ideas,” Downie told me. “And then when he left . . . we knew that Bezos was losing money, and we were encouraged by the fact that they were looking for somebody who could improve the business side of the paper and the circulation side of the paper. And then they chose this guy who we hardly ever heard from, who had a checkered past in British journalism.”

Writing last month on a private Listserv for former Post employees, Paul Farhi, who as the media reporter for the Post covered Bezos’s acquisition of the paper, shared his “utter mystification and bafflement” about Bezos’s tolerance of Lewis. “Even as a hands-off boss,” he wondered, “could Bezos not see what was obvious to even casual observers within a few months of Will’s arrival—that Will was ill-suited to the Post, that he had alienated the newsroom, that he had an ethically suspect past, and—most important—that none of his big ideas was working or even being implemented?” (Farhi, who took a buyout in 2023, gave me permission to quote his message.)

Even before these new cuts, a parade of key staffers had left the Post. A beloved managing editor, Matea Gold, went to the Times. The national editor, Philip Rucker, decamped to CNN, and the political reporter Josh Dawsey to the Wall Street Journal. The Atlantic hired, among others, three stars of the paper’s White House team: Ashley Parker, Michael Scherer, and Toluse Olorunnipa. These are losses that would take years to rebuild—if the Post were in a rebuilding mode. The Post, Woodward said, “lives and is doing an extraordinary reporting job on the political crisis that is Donald Trump”—including its scoop on the second strike to kill survivors of an attack on an alleged Venezuelan drug boat. But the print edition is a shadow of its former self, with metro, style, and sports melded into an anemic second section; daily print circulation is now below one hundred thousand. More pressingly, it’s unclear whether a newsroom so stripped of resources can sustain the quality of its work.

The sports columnist Sally Jenkins, who left the Post in August, 2025, as part of the second wave of buyouts, has been more supportive of management than many other Post veterans. So it was striking that, when we spoke recently, she was both passionate about the work of her newsroom colleagues and unsparing about how the business side had failed them. “When you whack at these sections, you’re whacking at the roots of the tree,” she told me. “We train great journalists in every section of the paper, and we train them to cover every subject on the globe. And when you whack whole sections of people away, you are really, really in danger of killing the whole tree.” When I asked how she felt about the losses, Jenkins said, “My heart is cracked in about five different pieces.”

Jenkins, who was in California covering Super Bowl week for the Atlantic, has spent a career studying what accounts for the difference between winning teams and losing ones. Bezos, she said, had been generous with his money and laudable for never interfering in the work of the newsroom. But, she added, “making money at journalism, you have to break rocks with a shovel. You have to love thinking about journalism to the point that it wakes you up at night with an idea, and then you have to be willing to try it. And I don’t see a sense that he loves the business enough to think about it at night. It’s almost like he’s treated it like Pets.com—an interesting experiment that he’s willing to lose some money on until he’s not. But the difference with this business is it’s not Pets.com. It’s not a business that just disappears into the muck of venture capitalism. It’s a business that is essential to the survival of the Republic, for Christ’s sake. So you don’t fuck around with it like that.”

As Post staffers and alumni braced for the cuts, I called Kaiser, the former managing editor, who spent more than half a century at the paper. “Mr. Bezos’s personal system has failed him in a way I fear he doesn’t grasp,” Kaiser, now eighty-two, told me. “He has no sense of the damage that will be done to his reputation in history if he becomes seen as the man who destroyed the institution that Katharine Graham”—the famed publisher who led the paper from the sixties to the nineties—“and Ben Bradlee built.” Kaiser recalled arriving at the paper’s London bureau in 1964. “If I say, ‘I’m Kaiser from the Washington Post’—what’s that? They never heard of it.” A decade later, he was posted in Moscow, as Woodward and Carl Bernstein were breaking the Watergate story. “Explaining was not necessary,” Kaiser said. “The Russians, in fact, had a gloriously exaggerated impression of the Washington Post as the king-maker and the king-destroyer.”

Bezos, Kaiser continued, “knew what the role was, acknowledged the role—those words ‘doting parent’—and then he walked away from it. What the hell?” The damage, he predicted, will reverberate beyond the immediate cuts. “What purpose does any honorable, attractive, competent journalist have for remaining at the Post? None.”

At one point, as we talked about the transformation of the Post, Kaiser stopped himself. “I’m going to cry,” he said, and paused. “Oh, God, it’s killing me.”

Bezos may be tiring of the Post, but he has not seemed inclined to sell the paper. Nor is it clear that would be a better, or at this point even feasible, outcome. Newspapers across the country are being bought up by private-equity firms that are essentially selling off the valuable parts. But there is another model for Bezos to consider: turning the Post into a nonprofit, endowed by Bezos but operating independently of him. For Bezos, this would reduce the role of the Post as a headache and a threat to other, more favored endeavors, such as his rocket company, Blue Origin. For the Post, assuming the endowment is sufficient, it would provide that continuing runway.

There are models for this approach. In Philadelphia, the late cable-television tycoon H. F. “Gerry” Lenfest purchased the Inquirer, the Daily News, and Philly.com in 2015, and the following year donated the publications to a charitable trust. “What would the city be without the Inquirer and the Daily News?” asked Lenfest, whose contribution to the endeavor has been valued at almost a hundred and thirty million dollars. In Utah, the investor Paul Huntsman bought the Salt Lake Tribune from the hedge fund Alden Global Capital in 2016; three years later, he transformed it into a nonprofit, supported in part by tax-deductible contributions from readers.

Writing in the Columbia Journalism Review in 2024, Steven Waldman suggested that Bezos follow a similar course. “ ‘Nonprofit’ does not mean ‘losing money,’ ” Waldman wrote. “Nonprofit news organizations can sell ads, offer subscriptions, and take donations. Done well, it is an especially strong business model, because it provides an extra revenue stream (philanthropy) and is deeply embedded in serving the community.” My quibble with Waldman’s pitch is that he asked Bezos to ante up a paltry hundred million. When Bezos purchased the Post, his net worth was about twenty-five billion; it is now an estimated two hundred fifty billion. Why not one per cent of that for the Post, enough to sustain the paper indefinitely? A pipe dream, I know, but this arrangement would make Bezos the savior of the Post, not the man who presided over its demise.

In the 1941 movie “Citizen Kane,” Charles Foster Kane, a newspaper publisher who, like Bezos, is one of the richest men in the world, is confronted by his legal guardian, Walter Thatcher, about the folly of funding his paper. “Honestly, my boy, don’t you think it’s rather unwise to continue this philanthropic enterprise, this Inquirer that’s costing you a million dollars a year?” Thatcher demands. “You’re right, Mr. Thatcher. I did lose a million dollars last year,” Kane replies. “I expect to lose a million dollars this year. I expect to lose a million dollars next year. You know, Mr. Thatcher, at the rate of a million dollars a year, I’ll have to close this place in sixty years.” Update Kane’s outlays to assume losses of a hundred million annually, in perpetuity. By that math, Bezos would have more than two millennia before needing to turn out the lights.
 
Even the most expedient of journalists writing about a rapid fire series of events are often quoting twitter accounts and other social media posts for their own stories. Why would we pay or brave walls of ads to have slower access to often deliberately mischaracterized information, when getting right to the source is practically free?

CNN was reposting blogs 20 years ago about the Current Thing, and I thought the exact same thing back then. If Linda Stouffer is reading some commie's blog on TV, why am I watching TV instead of just visiting this blog and cut out the middle-man?
 
How Jeff Bezos Brought Down the Washington
https://www.newyorker.com/news/anna...w-jeff-bezos-brought-down-the-washington-post (archive)

The Atlantic: The Murder of The Washington Post (archive)
Today’s layoffs are the latest attempt to kill what makes the paper special.
By Ashley Parker
February 4, 2026

We’re witnessing a murder.

Jeff Bezos, the billionaire owner of The Washington Post, and Will Lewis, the publisher he appointed at the end of 2023, are embarking on the latest step of their plan to kill everything that makes the paper special. The Post has survived for nearly 150 years, evolving from a hometown family newspaper into an indispensable national institution, and a pillar of the democratic system. But if Bezos and Lewis continue down their present path, it may not survive much longer.

Over recent years, they’ve repeatedly cut the newsroom—killing its Sunday magazine, reducing the staff by several hundred, nearly halving the Metro desk—without acknowledging the poor business decisions that led to this moment or providing a clear vision for the future. This morning, executive editor Matt Murray and HR chief Wayne Connell told the newsroom staff in an early-morning virtual meeting that it was closing the Sports department and Books section, ending its signature podcast, and dramatically gutting the International and Metro departments, in addition to staggering cuts across all teams. Post leadership—which did not even have the courage to address their staff in person—then left everyone to wait for an email letting them know whether or not they had a job. (Lewis, who has already earned a reputation for showing up late to work when he showed up at all, did not join the Zoom.)

The Post may yet rise, but this will be their enduring legacy.

What’s happening to the Post is a public tragedy, but for me, it is also very personal. When my parents’ basement recently flooded, amid the waterlogged boxes of old photos and vinyl records, we found my younger sister’s baby book. There, on a page reserved for memories from the month she was born—news about visits from doting grandparents, perhaps, or descriptions of her mewling gurgles—my dad had filled the lines with news from our hometown paper, The Washington Post.

“Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS).” “Irangate.” “The Bork nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court.” “The NFL went on strike.” “Wall Street had the worst day since 1929!!!” “The U.S. was having a garbage crisis, i.e.; running out of disposal sites, esp. in the northeast.” (To be fair, he worked in waste management. But also … welcome to the world, Baby Girl!)

Which is to say: The Washington Post feels like a part of my family’s DNA, imprinted on our earliest memories, memorialized among clippings of our hair and other, more traditional, recollections (first diaper blowout, first word).

As a kid growing up in Bethesda, Maryland, I can’t remember a time when the Post was not, somehow, woven through the fabric of my life. I cut out Sports-section photos of the Redskins coach Joe Gibbs and the quarterback Mark Rypien to plaster on the walls of my childhood bedroom the year my dad taught me how to watch football.

Just before I turned 12, a junior at Walt Whitman High School—where I was soon to start—slammed her white BMW into a tree after a night of drinking with three friends, splitting the car in half and instantly killing herself and a friend, and gravely injuring the other two girls. The Post was where I looked to understand what had happened, to grapple with the potent mix of youth and privilege and tragedy. Later, I picked up the Post to comb for box scores and recaps of my varsity basketball games; to admire the far more gifted athletes from across the region who had made their various All-Met teams; and to follow each new development of the Washington, D.C., snipers, who terrorized the area and transfixed the country.

The Post was also how I fell in love with journalism. Every newspaper lover has the section they read first—Sports, Comics, Metro—and mine was Style. The section, which debuted in 1969, was like nothing that had come before it, or what has come since: a newspaper that gave its writers the time and space and freedom and voice to produce narrative long-form journalism that was must-read, holding its own against the New Journalism magazine greats of the era. And for me, it was a chance to commune with giants—to read people such as Libby Copeland, Robin Givhan, Paul Hendrickson, Sally Quinn, David Von Drehle, Gene Weingarten, Marjorie Williams—and puzzle over how they’d done it.

Then, in 2017, I arrived at the Post as a reporter to cover the Trump White House, and I stayed for eight magical years. I had planned to stay forever. So what is happening at the Post right now—what has been happening there for a while—is personal. But it is also so much larger than me or any single person.

The least cynical explanation is that Bezos simply isn’t paying attention. Maybe—like so many of us initially—he was charmed by Lewis’s British accent and studied loucheness that mask an emperor whose bespoke threads are no clothes at all. Or maybe, as many of us who deeply love the Post fear, the decimation is the plan.

The Post journalists I know have shown a genuine willingness—even an eagerness—to evolve, a spirit of creativity and innovation at a time of transformation in the media. But its executives seem not to know where to lead it. Among the many failures here—of leadership, management, business, imagination, courage—the actual journalism stands strong.

Journalism is—has always been—a tough industry. But I watched firsthand as Bezos, Lewis, and company spoke in turgid corporate-ese (“Fix it, build it, scale it”) and failed to launch—or even attempt to launch—initiatives that might achieve their grandiose visions. They began 2025 by unveiling the “Big Hairy Audacious Goal” of jumping from about 2.5 million subscribers to 200 million paying users, despite having ended the previous year hemorrhaging tens of thousands of their existing subscribers, all while blaming the journalists for the paper’s travails.

I don’t pretend to have the answers to the Post’s financial woes, or a successful business model for a local paper that is also the nation’s hometown paper. But I can tell you what will be lost if these two men—who don’t seem to understand what the Post was, what it still is, and what it could be—continue to treat it like a distressed asset or a bargaining chip with a president who, ultimately, does not respect bargaining supplicants.

Watergate started as a local story.

Marty Weil—who is now in his 61st year at the Post—was subbing as a night editor on the Metro desk when he heard five words crackle across the police scanner: “Doors open at the Watergate.” Al Lewis, the dayside police-beat reporter, wrote the first story that appeared on the June 18, 1972, front page—“5 Held in Plot to Bug Democrats’ Office Here.” And then Gene Bachinski, who handled the beat at night, got a key tip: An arresting officer allowed him to glimpse the address book of one of the Watergate burglars, containing a scribbled entry, “H Hunt. WH,” and a number that went straight to the White House.

Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein reported for duty that Sunday, and they soon took over. The story went national, toppling a presidency and inspiring generations of journalists. But it was also quintessential Post reporting—relentlessly and fearlessly pursuing the truth and holding power to account in a collaborative effort across the newsroom. (That initial story lists eight—eight!—Post journalists who contributed reporting, an early preview of the triple- and even quadruple-bylined stories that have come to mark the paper’s most ambitious efforts.)

Watergate was hardly the last time that the paper turned coverage of local events into national news. The Post also reported on the September 11 attacks, which killed 125 people at the Pentagon and all 64 people aboard American Airlines Flight 77 when it crashed; the 2007 Virginia Tech shooting, which left 32 professors and students dead and dozens more injured; and the January 6 riot at the Capitol and its aftermath. This past year, the Post, with expert reporters at nearly every major federal agency, delivered unsurpassed accounts of the DOGE-ing of the federal government. (Amid the paper’s steady stream of scoops, last month federal agents raided the Virginia home of Hannah Natanson, the Post’s “federal government whisperer.”) Whatever bar you set for success—exposing corruption, changing lives, moving readers to tears and to action, bringing joy and understanding to the community it serves, winning prizes—the Post has always cleared it.

Today’s layoffs provide a whiff of the latest alleged strategy: an almost-exclusive focus on politics and national-security coverage, though even that explanation defies credulity, as the growing list of those laid off includes some of the nation’s finest political and international reporters and editors. As one longtime Post reporter observed to me, “We’re changing and trimming and cutting our way toward a much more mundane product, and one that doesn’t seem to attract more readers.” To the extent that a plan exists, it seems to be to transform the Post into a facsimile of Politico. (In another cruel irony, Politico was born out of the Post nearly two decades ago, when two reporters decamped to launch their own fast-paced, scoop-driven, win-the-morning publication.)

But general-interest publications can be profitable. The New York Times has shown there is money to be made by diversifying, expanding, experimenting, offering something for everyone. (News! Audio! Games! Cooking! Video! Long-form!) The publication you’re reading now is profitable, and has nearly 1.5 million subscribers. Other specialty publications, such as Axios and Punchbowl News, have succeeded by tripling down on the needs and interests of their core audience. The Post, instead, is abandoning its current audience in search of one that may not exist.

What Bezos, Lewis, and their jargon-loving underlings also fail to understand is that the paper’s coverage of Washington will be neither as vivid nor as authoritative without the contributions of journalists in bureaus around the world. Those correspondents risk their life to help readers understand how, say, the United States deposing a leader in Venezuela may have consequences for citizens living in Ohio. Coverage of the White House and Congress is enhanced by a well-sourced Metro team and gimlet-eyed narrators in Style. And you can’t be this capital city’s definitive chronicler if you don’t cover our beloved Nats and Caps and Commanders, what’s going on in our kids’ schools, or what restaurant has the best pupusas.

Nearly all media outlets are struggling to reinvent themselves. But the Post should have been better equipped than most to meet the moment. It has a great reputation, great talent, and great positioning to cover local stories for a large and highly educated audience willing to pay for news, and to serve a broader national audience eager for deep political and accountability reporting.

“This is the nation’s capital, and the people who live here are diplomats and federal-government employees and public servants and national security advisers and people who work in the White House who also send their kids to school here,” a local Post reporter told me. “And you can live in Northwest or you can live in Southeast, and everyone is pissed that the snow isn’t plowed.”

Last week, the paper’s foreign correspondents released a video aimed at Bezos, explaining how, as the Ukraine bureau chief, Siobhán O'Grady, puts it, they have been risking their life to cover wars, pandemics, civil uprisings, and so much more. In the two-minute video, often against the backdrop of explosions and other dangers, the journalists offer vignettes of their daily life: “I was there when a Russian missile hit a Ukrainian playground and killed nine kids.” “I was there when the Taliban tightened their grip on Afghanistan.” “I was there in January 2020, outside of Wuhan, when China shut it down to contain a mysterious virus.”

The power of the Post has always been its pulsing humanity, the zippy teamwork that has allowed each individual to produce something so much greater than they could have achieved on their own.

I was there. I was there. I was there. We were there.

Not being The New York Times, being forced to do more with less, was freeing. It created—required—a culture of collegiality and collaboration, a willingness to experiment and take risks, a certain puckishness. “There’s sort of an Avis mentality at the Post: ‘We try harder,’” Mike Semel, a longtime Post editor who now works at The Athletic, told me. He was referring to the rent-a-car company’s now-famous 1962 ad campaign, which embraced its No. 2 status to Hertz, promising better customer service and, in the process, juicing its revenue. As Avis understood, being the underdog is liberating.

During President Trump’s first term, the then–executive editor, Marty Baron, green-lighted a graphic-nonfiction version of the Mueller Report and later turned it into a book. And when Congress declined to create a September 11–style commission to investigate the January 6 attacks, the Post decided that it would do what Congress would not: Without subpoena power, more than 100 journalists from across the newsroom produced a 38,000-word investigative series, “The Attack,” offering the definitive story of the deadly insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. (It was part of the package that won the 2022 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service.)

The Post has always been a writers’ paper, a newsroom so thoroughly scrappy that simultaneously anything seems possible—big ideas, big ambition—and it still feels like a small miracle each day when such consistently good journalism emerges from such glorious mayhem. (For my entire time there, I tracked my vacation days and comp time on yellow Post-it notes, which my editors unfailingly honored.)

There was a sense that great journalism could come from anyone, in any corner of the K Street newsroom. Exciting projects and challenging investigations were not walled off for certain elite teams. The Post was a place where everyone could be, and was, part of the same shared mission; we wore Democracy Dies in Darkness hoodies to work, blue-and-white WP beanies in the winter.

It helped that even the paper’s biggest stars learned how to be reporters on the same unglamorous beats—Southern Maryland; Virginia’s Loudoun County; the loud, sweaty gyms of high-school sports; night cops. “It’s hard to explain to somebody from the outside,” Semel said. While everyone else got to celebrate Independence Day, generations of Post reporters had to spend their holiday afternoon on the sunbaked grass by the Lincoln Memorial, putting together stories for the next day’s paper. “David Fahrenthold stood on the Mall on the Fourth of July, before he won his Pulitzer.”

At its core, compelling narrative writing is an exercise in building empathy and helping Americans in a fractured country understand one another. But that empathy and compassion and teamwork extended within the newsroom, as well.

We shared phone numbers and scenes from our notebooks, invited our colleagues to join us at source lunches and drinks, and spent time on Slack trying to make one another laugh. Often, one of my cubicle-mates would overhear me on the phone and, before I’d even hung up, had emailed a suggestion for my story or sent me the contact info of a person I should call.

Others simply texted “wellness check,” again and again, to their friends and colleagues who they knew were working on a physically dangerous or emotionally draining story. It was common to send a paper-wide email remembering a parent or loved one who had died, and to have our kids pop in and out of Zooms. Semel recalled how, when the stress felt overwhelming, he would go down to the basement of the paper’s old building, on 15th Street, with Steven Ginsberg (who started at the paper as a copy boy and eventually became a managing editor before decamping to edit The Athletic) and Nick Miroff (a longtime ace immigration reporter who is now my Atlantic colleague) for an impromptu game of Wiffle ball.

Perhaps that’s why the paper’s White House reporting team, which knew it was unlikely to be affected, wrote a letter to Bezos ahead of the cuts, beseeching him to intervene. Some of their most-read stories “relied on collaboration with all corners of the newsroom,” they said, because “our colleagues’ work helps lift up our own.”

Although many talented and hardworking people have left the paper in recent years, many talented and hardworking people have chosen to remain, and others have joined. The Post is still one of the best places to do important work. Journalists there turned down lucrative buyouts or other compelling offers to stay and fight for a place they love because they believe in the paper and the mission. (I would be remiss here if I did not mention that, bittersweetly, The Atlantic and the Times have been among the biggest beneficiaries of the current exodus.)

But each departure—whether by choice or buyout or, now, deliberate gutting—represents not just an individual loss but the erasure of years of institutional memory. How do you retain the culture of a place whose journalism absolutely sang because of—not in spite of—what my beloved editor Dan Eggen once joked was my corner of the building’s biggest problem: “Too much giggling.”

I arrived at the Post at the beginning of 2017, at a personal and professional nadir. My boyfriend and I had just broken up after nearly a decade together, and I was leaving my first job, at The New York Times. I had started right out of college, as Maureen Dowd’s researcher, and it was an amazing experience. She was a great boss and mentor, and she’s often still my first call for advice, on any topic. Yet I had long felt like a perpetual junior-varsity player, unable to shed the sheen of early assistanthood.

But the Post wanted me. Its team understood me—with all of my quirks and flaws and complications—and the newsroom welcomed me. Almost immediately, my editors pushed me toward opportunities I wouldn’t have dreamed of trying to seize—co-moderating a Washington Post–MSNBC Democratic debate in 2019, working on three projects that would each go on to win Pulitzer Prizes. Finally, I started believing in myself too.

The newsroom was a merry band of misfits, and I was one of their cheerful warriors. I was home.

My White House teammates regularly covered my shifts or swapped days with me so that I could meet the various demands of my complicated blended family. (I vividly remember racing out the door one afternoon to get to my then–second-grade stepdaughter’s performance in the ensemble of Alice in Wonderland as my desk-mates cheered me on.) When I miscarried between my two successful pregnancies, my colleagues called and texted daily to check in, and sent me cookies and soup. And when Trump finally agreed to an interview the month that I gave birth to my first daughter, in 2018, Phil Rucker and Josh Dawsey called me on maternity leave to invite me to join them because, they said, it was my interview too. (I ultimately declined—a combination of a challenging C-section recovery, postpartum depression, and abject horror at how the president might react if I began leaking milk in the Oval Office. In my absence, Trump told Rucker and Dawsey that he wished me well, but that I had always been very nasty to him.)

I am hardly unique. Andrew Golden, who covers the Washington Nationals for the paper, met and fell in love with his now-wife at the Post. (His hiring was also a full-circle moment for his family, and his granddad—a native Washingtonian and avid sports fan—saves every story he writes in cardboard boxes.) In 2007, Carlos Lozada, the paper’s longtime book critic, took the hardest job he’d ever had, as national-security editor, and then found out that same month that his oldest sister was dying of cancer—and his bosses told him: Go—take whatever time you need. Don’t worry about vacation days. Don’t worry about the job. We can sort that all out. “They all just covered for me, and that was everything,” Lozada, who now works for the Times, told me. “I got to spend a lot of time with my sister in the final days, and I’ll never, ever stop being grateful to The Washington Post for that.”

Erin Cox, who covers Maryland politics for the paper and whose husband, Rick Maese, covers sports, had a near-fatal heart attack just 10 weeks after giving birth to her third baby. The newsroom rallied around their family, sending money and food and support. Colleagues paid for—among other things—three weeks of summer camp for their 6-year-old daughter, whose scary August was suddenly overshadowed by memories of going to the pool, making kites, and laughing with new friends. One business reporter with whom Cox had never spoken showed up at her door bearing a multipart vegetarian feast. Cox’s editor brought her college-aged daughter by to offer babysitting services. The Post filled up a meal train for three months, leaving her book club with no remaining slots. (They settled for a gift card.)

“I mean,” she told me now, over the phone, “I had a tube in my throat dripping chemicals onto my heart to coax back enough function so that maybe I could one day walk up a flight of stairs, and you know what I felt? Overwhelmed by love.”

When The Atlantic’s editor in chief, Jeffrey Goldberg—who interned during two summers at the Post before taking on the night-cops beat—approached me in the summer of 2024 about joining this magazine, I was intrigued. I had always wanted to be a magazine writer, and I had subscribed to The Atlantic a few years before, sick of hitting the paywall when there were just so many stories I wanted to read.

The job he was offering was the one I had imagined for myself since I was a kid reading those Style-section greats. But I also subconsciously thought the process was going to end with me telling him, truthfully, You’re offering me my dream job, but I already have my dream job, and the tie goes to the home team.

I realized, though, that the Post wasn’t the same paper that had recruited me eight years before, and that I didn’t want to work for an owner and publisher who couldn’t articulate a vision and confused contempt for the newsroom with a business plan.

I love The Atlantic. I’m writing stories that feel both challenging and fulfilling. But even so, I also miss the Post. And as I watch the deliberate dismantling of the paper of the Graham family, of Woodward and Bernstein, of Marty Baron, of so many of my best friends, my grief is still visceral, my anger still raw.

Lozada told me he loves his new job at the Times, but the Post will always be special to him, too: “I worked there for 17 years, and I still think of the Post in terms of ‘we.’ Even when I’m talking about it now, I say, ‘I can’t believe we did this.’”

“The Post is still my ‘we,’” he continued. “It will always be my ‘we.’”

But, really, the Post is all of our “we”—the journalists fighting for it, the ones competing against it, those of us in the diaspora, and especially the community that counts on it and the nation that turns to it. We deserve so much better.
 
TL;DR Bezos should continue floating the Washington Post to the tune of millions of dollars per year forever, otherwise, shitlibs will say mean things about him

Arguably the worst trait of modern journalism - absolute pettiness and a desire for revenge against those who have failed to exalt them.
 
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