Here's a selection of good readings, in case some people would still believe in the Holohoax fairytales in 2021.
The Matrix of Converging Evidence (Archive)
In the first link, The Victories of Revisionism, published in 2006, Robert Faurisson writes:
6)
On April 21, 1982 an association (the “ASSAG”) was created in Paris for “the study of murders by gassing under the National Socialist regime”, “with a view to seeking and verifying
elements bearing proof of the use of poison gasses in Europe by the officials of the National Socialist regime to kill persons of various nationalities, to contributing to the publication of this
evidence, to making, to that purpose, all useful contacts on the national and international level”. Article 2 of the association’s charter stipulates: “
The Association shall last as long as shall be necessary to attain the objectives set forth in Article 1.” However, this association, founded by fourteen persons, amongst whom Germaine Tillion, Georges Wellers, Geneviève Anthonioz née de Gaulle, barrister Bernard Jouanneau and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, has, in nearly a quarter of a century, never published anything and, to this day in 2006, remains in existence. In the event that it be maintained, wrongly, that the group has produced a book entitled
Chambres à gaz, secret d’État (Gas chambers, State secret), it will be fitting to recall that the book in question is in fact the French translation of a work first published in German by Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein and Adalbert Rückerl and in which there featured a few contributions by a few members of the “ASSAG” (Paris, Editions de Minuit, 1984; English translation published as
Nazi Mass Murder: a documentary history of the use of poison gas, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1994).
Remark: By itself the book’s French title gives a fair idea of the contents: instead of proof, supported by photographs of gas chambers, drawings, sketches, forensic reports on the crime weapon, the reader finds only speculations based on what is called “evidence” (
éléments de preuve, “elements of proof”, not proof), and this because, we are told, those gas chambers had constituted the greatest possible secret, a “State secret”. If ever there were a “weapon of mass destruction” that deserved a proper forensic examination it was indeed this one. In effect, it constitutes an anomaly in the history of science for at least two reasons: it had no precedent and has had no continuation; it arose out of nothing only to return to nothingness. However, the history of science knows of no such phenomenon. In any case, by the very fact of its existence yet today in 2006, one may say that the ASSAG association has still not attained the objective for which it was founded nearly twenty-five years ago. It has still found neither proof nor even any evidence of the “Nazi gas chambers’” existence.
Here's a very telling article written 10 years later about the "ASSAG", whose sole purpose was to find concrete evidence to prove the existence of Germans' homicidal gas chambers and which I transcribed and quickly translated (DeepL proofreading) for you:
The ASSAG, a promising association that remained sterile
In 2015, after extensive research on homicidal gas chambers in the German concentration camps during the war, I had not been able to find the slightest proof, the slightest credible testimony of the existence of this mass execution process. I used this hitherto unsuccessful research as the subject of a chapter in my book
Supplement to the Interviews of Georges Albertini.
Then I became aware of an association whose work could not fail to enlighten me: it too aimed to find proof of the existence of the said gas chambers, and it had greater investigative capacities than I did, in particular the collaboration of reputedly qualified researchers.
On 28 April 1982, the formation of an "Association for the Study of Gas Assassinations under the National Socialist Regime (ASSAG)" was declared to the Préfecture de Police in Paris. The purpose of this association, it was stated, was "to seek out and monitor evidence of the use of toxic gas by those in charge of the National Socialist regime in Europe to kill people of different nationalities; to contribute to the publication of this evidence... ".
The board of directors included eminent personalities such as Geneviève Anthonioz-De Gaulle (1920-2002), a member of the Resistance who had been deported to Ravensbrück and the General's niece, who was much appreciated at the Economic and Social Council, where I had worked alongside her, and Germaine Tillion (1920-200
8), also a member of the Resistance who had been deported to Ravensbrück. Both had published very detailed memories of their deportation:
La Traversée de la nuit (Seuil 199
8) for the former and
Ravensbrück (Seuil 1973 and 198
8) for the latter. The former said nothing about the gas chambers, as if none had existed in the camp. The second one too, at least in the initial edition of her book. In the 1988 edition, she did not mention them, without however providing the slightest description, without the slightest precision. Since both were very busy, their participation in the association's research had to be limited. However, their presence had reinforced the credibility of the association and the possibility of applying for subsidies.
Alongside them were Joseph Rovan, professor of German language and civilisation at the University of Paris; Jean Gavard, Inspector of the National Education Administration; Jean-Louis Crémieux-Brilhac, Director of the Documentation française; Renée Aubry, head of the cabinet of the Minister of Veterans' Affairs; Pierre Vidal-Naquet, honorary professor at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, presented as "author of a study in response to Faurissonian assertions" (sic); Augustin Girard, director of the Studies and Research Department of the Ministry of Culture.
There was also a former policeman, Jacques Delarue, honorary divisional commissioner at the Ministry of the Interior, who was no doubt useful in gaining access to certain confidential files; and also a writer, Jean-Pierre Faye, who was probably destined to write and publish the results of the association's research; and even a lawyer, Bernard Jouanneau, who was perhaps judged to be capable of confronting the sceptics of the revisionist school, since he had already pleaded against Robert Faurisson.
Two other participants were presented as particularly competent in the matter: Serge Choumoff, a retired engineer, designated as "author of a book on the gas chamber at Mauthausen", the camp where he had been interned; Georges Wellers, honorary senior researcher at the CNRS and a former deportee to Auschwitz, "author of books on Auschwitz and gassing in general". None of them having, in their writings, produced proof of the existence of the said gas chambers, perhaps they intended to make up for it with the ASSAG...
In any case, all the conditions seemed to have been met for this small team to quickly gather, control and make public evidence of the existence and operation of the gas chambers in question. Since, moreover, it had not invited any representative of the revisionist school to join the association, it had been able to work in complete serenity.
And what was the result?
To my great surprise, I searched for weeks and weeks for the fruit of the association's work, scrutinised the press organs with which its initiators collaborated, questioned here and there, and interrogated several websites, but always in vain: in 2015, more than thirty years after its creation, it was impossible to find any trace not only of the missing proofs, but also of personal research carried out by members of the ASSAG on the gas chambers.
Were those among them who, through their works, had made a speciality of it, Serge Choumoff and Georges Wellers, not able to provide details of what they had witnessed? We would have expected them to locate the gas chambers mentioned in their writings (aerial photographs of their camp exist); to represent the installations, even with the help of sketches; to explain how they functioned, how often they were used and how they were used; to explain the selection of prisoners promised to enter them, the way they were taken there, the way they were prevented from evading them; as well as the duration of the torment, the subsequent ventilation of the premises and the measures taken to ensure that the wind did not blow the gas into the immediate environment; to describe the evacuation of the corpses, the precautions taken by the guards not to risk being asphyxiated themselves - all of which are "elements of proof" that the association had set itself the task of collecting, controlling and publishing.
Furthermore, our two authors could have questioned the choice of German officials to carry out mass executions of prisoners by using a device that was so complex, so costly, so slow to act and so dangerous for those around them. A simple bullet in the back of the head would have sufficed, a quick, efficient and economical practice adopted around the same time by the Bolsheviks in Katyn and elsewhere in the USSR, later by the Maoists in mainland China, by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, and by Communists the world over to carry out their mass killings. Why, indeed, dangerous and expensive gas chambers in a Germany still impoverished by war?
Thirty-three years after its creation, the ASSAG seemed to have found nothing, checked nothing, published nothing. Was it possible that an association that had shown such promise in shedding light on an important aspect of contemporary history had come up empty?
But if it had found nothing so far, perhaps it was continuing its research, with new collaborators to replace those who had disappeared. According to article 2 of its statutes, was it not supposed to exist until "the realisation of its object"?
The Préfecture de Police of Paris, when consulted, certified that the association had not been declared dissolved. As its headquarters, 7 place Pinerl in the 13th arrondissement of Paris, had not been changed either, I sent a request for information in October. My letter remained unanswered. On 17 November, I sent it again, by registered mail with acknowledgement of receipt. But two items were returned to me with the note: "addressee unknown at this address". I went to the place, consulted the letterboxes, questioned the neighbours, without any further success. Had the ASSAG ceased to exist without saying so, so that its failure would not be known?
At the beginning of the new year, I learned that Anise Postel-Vinay, treasurer of the ASSAG, had just published a book entitled
Vivre (Living) with Editions Grasset. On 12 February, I wrote to her, through her publisher, to ask whether the association still existed, whether it had published the results of its research on the gas chambers and, if so, where I could read them.
I received a long handwritten letter from her on the 24th, explaining to me, among other things, that the ASSAG had been "dissolved for some years", that it had been founded "when Professor Faurisson began to proclaim, in the 1970s, that the German gas chambers had never existed"; that the ASSAG participated in the struggles against the "revisionists" in France (Roques affair), in Switzerland (Paschoud affair) and in Canada (Zündel affair)"... She added: "personally I followed above all the crimes of the SS doctors in all the camps"...
On the subject of the execution gas chambers, my correspondent explained: "We have decided to compile a 'Dokumentation' on this very special mass crime of National Socialist Germany". However, she neglected to indicate the nature of the documentation gathered (apart from the German book mentioned above, Gas Chambers, State Secret, which was also devoid of any evidence). Nor did she mention that the ASSAG had itself undertaken a "study of gas killings under the National Socialist regime", the sole purpose of the association according to its statutes.
However, the idea came to me that if the ASSAG had dissolved when it was supposed to remain until "the realisation of its object", it was perhaps because it had found "evidence" on this subject which Anise Postel-Vinay had neglected to share with me. I answered her immediately:
Dear Madam,
I thank you very much for the very detailed letter you sent me in reply to my letter of the 12th. But I have read it over and over again, and I can find nothing that corresponds to the objective of the ASSAG, which is set out in its statutes, namely "to seek out and check evidence of the use of poison gas by those in charge of the National Socialist regime in Europe to kill people of different nationalist persuasions; to contribute to the publication of this evidence... "
This is the subject of my research. And as this was the raison d'être of the ASSAG, I thought I would find in the results of its research the evidence or proof that I lacked. Forgive me for insisting, but perhaps you could complete your letter on this point?
Please accept, dear Madam, the expression of my best wishes.
As the days and weeks passed, my second letter went unanswered. A friend who was doing research at the Bibliothèque de documentation internationale contemporaine (BDIC) in Paris around the same time told me that in 2012, Anise Postel-Vinay had deposited five boxes of archives there. A note accompanied them, probably written in her hand, indicating that the ASSAG, "in 2008, chose to dissolve itself" and that the said archives bore witness to the "intense editorial activity that constituted the heart of the association's activities".
What if this was the 'evidence' discovered by ASSAG that justified its dissolution? Naturally, I was eager to find out. And also to know why it had not made them public, as its statutes required.
However, this documentation, the notice still said, was "available for consultation by dispensation", after authorization. As Anise Postel-Vinay had failed to inform me of the deposit of these boxes and had still not replied to my second letter, I doubted that she would authorise me to consult them. By dint of insistence, I managed to get someone on the spot to give me details of their contents: books in French, German, English and Italian; press cuttings in various languages, sometimes accompanied by French translations; files relating to the writings of revisionist researchers and to several of their trials in France and in various other countries; minutes of meetings; correspondence relating to the translation and distribution in France of foreign works.
But there is no analysis and comparison of testimonies relating to the gas chambers, no consultation of asphyxiating gas specialists, no examination of German administrative archives, no expert reports and study missions conducted in camps that are supposed to have contained homicidal gas chambers, in short, no research of a scientific nature corresponding to the association's objective. None of this was in the boxes.
On the other hand, there was also a voluminous correspondence with associations of former deportees likely to provide support to the ASSAG. As well as numerous requests for subsidies addressed to the Ministry of Veterans' Affairs, the CNRS, and various French, European and international institutions - requests that were often successful, perhaps because of the high functions and notoriety of certain members of the ASSAG, such as the niece of General De Gaulle.
This inventory made it clear to me that, after thirty years, the association had not only failed, but had not been able to continue to prove by its existence that the existence of the disputed execution chambers could be proven. Its leaders therefore decided to close it down. However, they were careful not to announce it openly, on the sly, without even declaring it to the Préfecture de Police. Thus they did not have to acknowledge that, however much they claimed to be specialists, they had not been able to discover "evidence of mass murder by gas under the National Socialist regime", as the association's statutes provided.
Had Germaine Tillion and Geneviève Anthonioz-De Gaulle, who were awarded the honours of the Panthéon in 2015, realised the fiasco they had been led into before closing their eyes? And of the justification thus given to the conclusions of researchers from the revisionist school?
Written by Morvan Duhamel in Écrits de Paris, April 2016.
A lot of what we call the Holocaust is people slaughtering Jews in their own communities as the Nazis swept through Europe. Obviously the Nazis slaughtered a huge amount, but a lot of people did it on their own because they thought a new world order was coming. Think about the Polish Jews that were killed in the Holocaust, a tremendous amount died because the Polish police gave up their own citizens. Offered them on a silver platter at the behest of the Nazis.
The biggest genocidal project in WW2 was General Plan Ost. The Nazis were planning to wipe out the slavs of Europe and recolonize their territory with settler Germans to multiply for the future. They directly took inspiration from what the Americans did to the Native Americans, but they wanted to fast forward that with industrialized murder. Had the Soviets not stopped them, the entire racial make up of Europe and Asia would have been reshaped forever.
Much like the Holocaust is the main pillar of the educational curriculum pillar in the West, Generalplan Ost is the main educational pillar in the East. The only way kikes can diminish Russian resentment at their rule is by claiming that the alternative is being turned into lampshades.
"Nearly all the wartime documentation on Generalplan Ost was deliberately destroyed shortly before Germany's defeat in May 1945, and the full proposal has never been found."
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.ph...op#Development_and_reconstruction_of_the_plan
Russian refugees were instrumental in funding and supporting the rise of National Socialist Germany and tens of thousands of White Russian veterans and their sons served in the Wehrmacht.
"Between 15,000 and 20,000 anti-communist White émigrés who had left Russia after the Russian Revolution joined the ranks of the Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS, with 1,500 acting as interpreters and more than 10,000 serving in the guard force of the Russian Protective Corps."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wehrmacht#Personnel_and_recruitment
There was a bureau of Russian affairs in Germany, staffed by White Russian refugees, it's likely that people like the painter Bogdanov-Belsky, for example, were granted German residency by the bureau. Looking through the archives of German art from the Barbarossa period one can find records of extensive paintings of Russians, Russian life and Russians in the Wehrmacht. The paintings which depict such scenes were prioritized for destruction and only the catalog listings now remain. There may be a few pieces that survived in some basement or were made into postcards which may one day appear at some small discrete auction, but revealing possession of such pieces would attract the ire of both the Russian and the German branches of ZOG.