UK British News Megathread - aka CWCissey's news thread

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https://news.sky.com/story/row-over-new-greggs-vegan-sausage-rolls-heats-up-11597679 (https://archive.ph/5Ba6o)

A heated row has broken out over a move by Britain's largest bakery chain to launch a vegan sausage roll.

The pastry, which is filled with a meat substitute and encased in 96 pastry layers, is available in 950 Greggs stores across the country.

It was promised after 20,000 people signed a petition calling for the snack to be launched to accommodate plant-based diet eaters.


But the vegan sausage roll's launch has been greeted by a mixed reaction: Some consumers welcomed it, while others voiced their objections.

View image on Twitter


spread happiness@p4leandp1nk
https://twitter.com/p4leandp1nk/status/1080767496569974785

#VEGANsausageroll thanks Greggs
2764.png


7
10:07 AM - Jan 3, 2019
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Cook and food poverty campaigner Jack Monroe declared she was "frantically googling to see what time my nearest opens tomorrow morning because I will be outside".

While TV writer Brydie Lee-Kennedy called herself "very pro the Greggs vegan sausage roll because anything that wrenches veganism back from the 'clean eating' wellness folk is a good thing".

One Twitter user wrote that finding vegan sausage rolls missing from a store in Corby had "ruined my morning".

Another said: "My son is allergic to dairy products which means I can't really go to Greggs when he's with me. Now I can. Thank you vegans."

View image on Twitter


pg often@pgofton
https://twitter.com/pgofton/status/1080772793774624768

The hype got me like #Greggs #Veganuary

42
10:28 AM - Jan 3, 2019
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TV presenter Piers Morgan led the charge of those outraged by the new roll.

"Nobody was waiting for a vegan bloody sausage, you PC-ravaged clowns," he wrote on Twitter.

Mr Morgan later complained at receiving "howling abuse from vegans", adding: "I get it, you're all hangry. I would be too if I only ate plants and gruel."

Another Twitter user said: "I really struggle to believe that 20,000 vegans are that desperate to eat in a Greggs."

"You don't paint a mustach (sic) on the Mona Lisa and you don't mess with the perfect sausage roll," one quipped.

Journalist Nooruddean Choudry suggested Greggs introduce a halal steak bake to "crank the fume levels right up to 11".

The bakery chain told concerned customers that "change is good" and that there would "always be a classic sausage roll".

It comes on the same day McDonald's launched its first vegetarian "Happy Meal", designed for children.

The new dish comes with a "veggie wrap", instead of the usual chicken or beef option.

It should be noted that Piers Morgan and Greggs share the same PR firm, so I'm thinking this is some serious faux outrage and South Park KKK gambiting here.
 
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Zia looking very raj-coded in the headline image;
1746216774963.webp
It just keeps getting better:
1746216821306.webp
you can quote me, talk to me on public forums, but why woin't you reply to my DM?
I'm glad I'm not the only one being harangued;
But really, stop looking for butt buddies on kayeff of all places unless you want to be gay bashed, faggot.
 
Make difference between Islam and Muslims. Islam Itself was liked by Nazi leaders (Himmler, Goebbels, etc) because they saw Islam and Shinto as religions evoking warriors and nationalism, but Muslims depend: Bosnians, Albanians, Azeris, Tatars and Muslim Europeans were tolerated because they were living in Europe during centuries. But Arabs were saw as "Sub humans" by Hitler and others Nazi leaders, only cared Arabs because to weak UK and France.
Hello officer! Can you please DM me the details of the next far-right meeting I can attend where I shall loudly express a number of public order offences whilst stating my name, address. and employer.
 
cruncle --- you can quote me, talk to me on public forums, but why woin't you reply to my DM? are you that emotionally autistic like everyone else here, yet wants to act like you're superior to a fucking paki ???
I'd prefer to have the professional oversight of my solicitors at the firm Cope, Sneed & Dilate. I did remove the Ignore on your account once you stopped sending me random suicide baits, but will pop that back on if you like.

This is really fucking gay.

EDIT: @Mound Dweller Oh, he's been trying to chat you up too?
 
Even the immigrants hate how many immigrants there are now, the eastern Europeans really hate all the arabs coming over, one said to me the other day "why didn't Hitler do to them what he did to the jews", I look forward to the immigrant tribes turning on each other and us Brits can just get the popcorn buckets out.
Eastern Euros can be absorbed into England, the Wacky Pakis, Jeets and nigs can't.
 
I mean for clarities sakes, I thought the Nazis were pretty cool for a lot of their policies, but they weren't British; they were by definition a foreign power that didn't like us. They in fact, bombed the shit out of us for a decent amount of time and used us to test the very first prototype intermediate range ballistic missiles. It's not unreasonable to go "Who gives a fuck about the Nazis LMAO!"
 
The final council to finish counting was West Northamptonshire, which also delivered a Reform majority and makes a round total of 10.
 
I know local elections are not as significant as general elections. I get that. And I know Reform are controlled opposition. But the fact so many people are voting for Reform to run the places where they live, to make choices for their communities is something I hope is putting the shit up the big two parties.
 
And I know Reform are controlled opposition
But most people don't know that they are. Most people aren't schizo-chudcels like us that browse Kiwifarms and bothered to google 'All those people that Farage ruined the careers of were actually le based?'. They get their news from the news rather than from esoteric memes. This local election was a massive amount of people shrugging and voting for the scary 'far right' party. Which is neat.
 
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I know local elections are not as significant as general elections. I get that. And I know Reform are controlled opposition. But the fact so many people are voting for Reform to run the places where they live, to make choices for their communities is something I hope is putting the shit up the big two parties.
What Reform needs to do here is make sure that each of their constituents - especially those who don't give a shit about politics - know they have a Reform council.

Good, honest, sensible change that most people would struggle to find an issue with. Maybe then this national apathy to politics could reverse a little and we get back to some kind of normalcy.

But hey. nothing ever happens, so more than likely the zoomer babies and ex-UKIP Norf FC members that got elected under Reform today will arrive at the council on their first day and start infighting loudly and publicly.
 
But most people don't know that they are. Most people are schizo-chudcels like us that brows Kiwifarms and bothered to google 'All those people that Farage ruined the careers of were actually le based?'. They get their news from the news rather than from esoteric memes. This local election was a massive amount of people shrugging and voting for the scary 'far right' party. Which is neat.
Totally agreed. That so many people have rejected the two main parties and, despite weeks of lecturing from the media that Reform are LITERALLY NAZIS and voted for them anyway is kind of huge.

I know it's not the general election and I know that were it, it wouldn't be the type of party I want in power (I think my personal political beliefs would disgust most normies) but it feels like something has shifted.

Alas I cannot celebrate tonight and I am working so I am instead amusing myself by watching the CCTV of the top gate here and scaring the shit out of anyone walking past by raising the barrier when they walk past it, and watching the little bunny rabbits hopping about.
 
Zia looking very raj-coded in the headline image;
View attachment 7309150
Begging for a caption.
Hello officer! Can you please DM me the details of the next far-right meeting I can attend where I shall loudly express a number of public order offences whilst stating my name, address. and employer.
Surely your colleague already has those?

Anyway, time for some news fun. Firstly our justice secretary says it's unacceptable to question the Supreme Court's ruling, which no doubt means many of her fellow MPs will be bound for jail soon.
The justice secretary has said it is "absolutely unacceptable" to question the validity of the Supreme Court after it ruled that the term "woman" is defined by biological sex.
Speaking to Parliament's Human Rights Joint Committee, Shabana Mahmood said judges at the UK's highest court "provided the legal clarity in their legal decision which is exactly their job".
The decision was seen as a victory by women's rights groups but some trans campaigners have argued it did not take into account their view of the complexities of biology and a transgender former judge says she plans to bring an appeal to the European Court of Human Rights .
Mahmood said: "It's disappointing... that some individuals have sought to question the validity of the Supreme Court or cast aspersions..."


https://archive.ph/o/7E7wA/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/clyw9qjeq8po
In its ruling, the Supreme Court said the terms "woman" and "sex" in the 2010 Equality Act "refer to a biological woman and biological sex".
This means, for instance, that transgender women, who are biologically male but identify as women, can be excluded from women-only spaces.
The judges said trans people are still protected from discrimination under equalities legislation, and that this interpretation of the law does not cause disadvantage to the "potentially vulnerable group".
The Equalities and Human Rights Commission also published interim guidance after the ruling which said trans women "should not be permitted to use the women's facilities" in workplaces or public-facing services. The same applies to trans men, who are biologically female.
But it said that trans people "should not be put in a position where there are no facilities for them to use".
Mahmood was speaking to MPs and peers a day after Dr Victoria McCloud, the only UK judge to publicly say they are transgender, said she is planning to bring an appeal case before the European Court of Human Rights.
Dr McCloud, who stepped down from their High Court role court last year, said the Supreme Court judgement and equality watchdog's new guidance violated her human rights and she felt "contained and segregated".
She said the ruling had failed to consider human rights arguments that would have been put by trans people and the judgement had left her with the legal "nonsense" of being "two sexes at once".
Some trans campaigners have expressed disappointment at the ruling. They argued, for example, it is impossible for services - from police officers performing a strip search through to restaurants - to truly specify someone's biology, pointing to intersex cases as an example of where biological sex is not binary.
The Supreme Court ruling was the culmination of a long-running legal battle brought by campaign group For Women Scotland, which had argued that sex-based protections should only apply to people that are born female. The group had argued that women felt unsafe with trans women using female facilities.
Mahmood told the committee the Supreme Court had "handled things very sensitively".
She said the judges have "done their job and I think they've sought to do it in a way that recognises that we're talking about a balance of rights but sought to give confidence to a minority community that they still have protections from discrimination".
In her evidence, to the Human Rights Joint Committee, the justice secretary also addressed the government's policy on transgender prisoners.
Mahmood said it "strikes the right balance" but "we will obviously now go back and with the clarity from the Supreme Court just make sure that that policy still stands to scrutiny or whether we need to make any changes".
The justice secretary said the vast majority of trans women inmates are within the male estate, and she had not moved any trans prisoners into women's jails since taking office last July.
Prison service data for 2023-24 shows there were 295 transgender prisoners in England and Wales, with 51 in female prisons and 244 in male prisons.
But she said: "No trans women convicted of a rape or serious violence offence who retains birth genitalia would ever be considered for being placed in the women's estate."
Another casualty of the judgement, the SNPs misogyny law which apparently would not be able to be legal after that ruling.
The Scottish government has confirmed it will not bring forward planned legislation to criminalise misogyny before next year's Holyrood election.

A bill has long been promised to improve protections for women and girls, but ministers now say there is not enough time to draw up a law which reflects the recent Supreme Court judgement on the definition of a woman.

They are instead going to amend existing hate crime legislation to provide protections on the basis of sex.

The government has also confirmed it will not be bringing forward legislation to end conversion therapy this term, and is hoping for a UK-wide solution.
A new misogyny law was promised after an expert group in 2022 backed separate legislation rather than incorporating abuse and violence against women into Scotland's hate crime law.

The group, led by Baroness Helena Kennedy KC, said this was a better option because women are not a minority, and a "more fundamental set of responses" were required to address the "deeply rooted" problem.

The Scottish government proposed creating five new offences in its Misogyny Bill including stirring up hatred against women and misogynistic harassment.

Misogyny would also be treated as an aggravating factor in crimes, which could lead to tougher sentencing.
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-61243420
The Scottish government said it remained committed to ensuring people are protected from misogynistic abuse but it was a "complex area of policy and law" which required more time to work out where it would apply.

This would include assessing the implications of the recent Supreme Court judgement that a woman is defined by biological sex for the purposes of equality legislation, it said.

It said there was insufficient time to proceed with the bill in this parliamentary session, but in September it would add the protected characteristic of sex to Scotland's hate crime act.

First Minister John Swinney said: "We have to navigate a way through all of the issues that come out of the Supreme Court judgement.

"What action we can take is action we can take during this parliamentary term to tackle misogyny and that's what the government will do".

The Scottish government said it was also dropping plans for a new law banning conversion therapy for sexual orientation or gender identity.

Both pieces of legislation were part of the Bute House Agreement with the Scottish Greens which ended in April last year.

Ministers previously said Scotland wanted to lead the way in outlawing such practices - but it has now urged the Labour government at Westminster to legislate on the issue.

Equalities Minister Kaukab Stewart said if an approach covering Scotland, England and Wales could not be agreed, the Scottish government would introduce its own law within a year if it remained in power after next year's Holyrood election.

A joint statement from Scottish LGBTQIA+ organisations said they were "incredibly disappointed" to see an end to conversion practices would not proceed - and that the community had felt rights were being "rolled back and reduced" for a long time.

The statement said: "Simply put, the longer it takes to legislate to end conversion practices the more harm will be done, including to those most vulnerable.

"The failure to progress this bill is yet another blow to our community's faith in government and the institutions that are meant to represent and protect us."



Scottish Conservative deputy leader Rachael Hamilton MSP said the misogyny bill was the latest in a "litany of paused, ditched or botched" policies from Nicola Sturgeon's time as first minister.

She said: "Misogyny remains a serious problem and it's crucial that women and girls are protected from all forms of threatening and abusive behaviour in a way that safeguards their rights."

Scottish Liberal Democrat equalities spokesperson Christine Jardine MP said: "This is the wrong thing to do.

"The proposed legislation was a chance to substantially improve protections, help change culture and behaviours and move us closer to eradicating misogyny."

Scottish Labour justice spokesperson Pauline McNeill said "This is a shameful broken promise to Scottish women at a time when misogynistic hatred is on the rise.

"The SNP has spent years kicking this issue into the long grass by insisting this approach wouldn't work, only to perform a screeching U-turn.

The Scottish Greens said dropping the two bills was a "shameful backward step".

The party's equalities spokesperson Maggie Chapman said: "The misogyny bill was a vital step in ensuring that reports of harassment and assault are taken seriously.

"LGBTQIA+ people are put at serious risk by cruel, harmful conversion practices that are currently flying under the radar. So-called conversion 'therapies' are deeply immoral and leave lasting damage for survivors."
Alison Pearson had the complaint against her by the police dismissed, someone do post the Telegraph article because it's very smug but I'm using this article because it has the email exchange between the law and the press
Essex Police has had a complaint against The Telegraph rejected by IPSO following a visit to columnist Allison Pearson by two uniformed officers on Remembrance Sunday.
Pearson was visited by police in November 2024, apparently to discuss a potentially inflammatory post on X by the comment writer.
Pearson said she was accused of a “non-crime hate incident” by police. The Telegraph also reported that she was questioned over an “alleged hate crime”.
Essex Police said Pearson was wrong to claim officers described the matter as a “non-crime hate incident” and provided a transcript of video taken filmed by officers at the time. IPSO rejected the complaints, saying the Telegraph had taken sufficient care to establish the facts ahead of publication.
The IPSO report states that The Telegraph emailed Essex Police press office at 2.26pm on Tuesday, 12 November, 2024, the day before publication.
The email said: “A Daily Telegraph columnist […] was visited on Sunday at 9.40am by two police officers who told she had been reported for a non-crime hate incident. She was told by them it related to a social media post a year ago which a complainant felt was inciting racial hatred. She lives at [address]. Can you confirm if this is correct, why it was done and whether it was proportionate in light of the reforms to the NCHI criteria in the past year.”
At 4.03pm the force press office responded: “I’ve just had a conversation with some officers with knowledge of this. Given what they’ve told me and what the now-live investigation is focusing on, it feels like an odd and potentially dangerous approach to take from the Telegraph’s side? I would very strongly urge you not to publish anything on this – but I acknowledge your stance on this is that ‘he would say that’. Are you aware what the investigation relates to?”
A further email at 6.02pm from the same force press office said: “We’re investigating a report which was passed to us by another force. The report relates to a social media post which was subsequently removed. An investigation is now being carried out under section 17 of the Public Order Act. As part of that investigation, officers attended an address in [town] on Sunday 10 November to invite a woman to attend a voluntary interview on the matter. At this stage, we’re awaiting confirmation of her available dates.
“NOTES / GUIDANCE Please be aware that it is clear that the Telegraph is not aware of the precise details of the report and to insinuate that, at this stage, the report is being treated as anything other than a criminal matter would be factually inaccurate. This does not mean that the report will result in criminal action, but at this stage it is an ongoing, live investigation. Please also be aware that the woman in question is yet to provide a voluntary account and we would again urge you to allow that to take place before any story is published to protect the integrity of her account. You will also be aware that any account given outside of a police setting could be treated as evidential and risks impacting on the investigation.”
Rejecting the complaint, IPSO said: “While the complainant had said that it had not been given sufficient time to respond to this email, it had responded within four hours, with both a for-publication comment and a not-for-publication note. Neither the comment nor the background note responded to the claim that the writer had been told that she had been ‘told she had been reported for a non crime hate incident’. While both pieces of correspondence made clear that the police were investigating the matter as a potential criminal offence, the position regarding what the writer had been told during the visit had not been disputed or corrected.”
IPSO added: ” The complainant had said that the articles should not have been published, as the publication was not aware of the full circumstances of the case, and had attempted to dissuade the newspaper from publishing the articles under complaint. The committee noted that, on occasion, the press will report on ongoing investigations, and the code does not forbid it from doing so. It further noted the role that the press plays in reporting on the criminal justice system, and that – provided that the code is not breached – there is no bar on the media reporting on ongoing and developing cases, and doing so can serve the public interest, for example by holding institutions to account, or by reporting on matters of ongoing public debate.”
Full ruling because parts of that extract gave me warm, fuzzy feelings. Point 18 is great
Summary of Complaint

1. Essex Police complained to the Independent Press Standards Organisation that The Daily Telegraph breached Clause 1 (Accuracy) of the Editors’ Code of Practice in two articles, headlined “My police visit on Remembrance Sunday proves our justice is Ka¬fkaesque” and “Telegraph writer in ‘Kafk¬aesque’ hate crime inquiry”, both of which were published on 13 November 2024.

2. The first article under complaint was written by a regular columnist for the newspaper, and appeared on page 7. It was accompanied by a large photograph of the columnist, and her name appeared prominently at the top of the article, above the headline. The article, which was written in the first-person, said that the columnist had been visited at her home by two police officers, and that one of the officers “told me that they were here to inform me that I had been accused of a non-crime hate incident (NCHI)”.

3. The article went on to say that:

“Yesterday evening Essex Police issued a statement to The Telegraph saying that they were investigating me under Section 17 of the Public Order Act 1986, relating to material allegedly ‘likely or intended to cause racial hatred’. In other words, my tweet was being treated as a criminal matter, rather than a non-crime hate incident, but that is not what I was told on Sunday.”

4. It also said that, when questioned by the article’s writer, the “two policemen exchanged glances. Clearly, the Kafkaesque situation made no sense to them, either.”

5. The article also appeared online, in substantively the same format, under the headline “My visit from police on Remembrance Sunday is living proof of our two-tier justice system”. This version of the article was published on 12 November 2024, at 9:02pm. It was accompanied by a sub-heading, which read: “A knock on the door to be accused of a non-crime hate incident from a year-old tweet is not what people fought and died for in the war”.

6. The second article under complaint was a news report of the events set out in the first article under complaint. The article – which appeared on the front-page of the newspaper – opened by reporting that a “Telegraph journalist is facing a ‘Kafkaesque’ investigation for allegedly stirring up racial hatred in a tweet last year.”

7. It went on to report that, “n an article for today’s Telegraph, she said she was told by one officer that ‘I was accused of a non-crime hate incident (NCHI).”

8. The article then reported that a ”police spokesman said: ‘We’re investigating a report passed to us by another force. The report relates to a social media post which was subsequently removed. An investigation is now being carried out under section 17 of the Public Order Act.’” It also said that “Police sources indicated that it was being treated as a criminal matter rather than an NCHI”.

9. The article also reported that “[w]hen [the writer] asked the officers why she could not know what she was accused of, she said: ‘The two policemen exchanged glances. Clearly, the Kafkaesque situation made no sense to them, either.’”

10. The second article also appeared online, in substantively the same format, under the headline “Telegraph journalist faces ‘Kafkaesque’ investigation over alleged hate crime”. This version of the article was published on 12 November 2024, again at 9:02pm.

11. Prior to the article’s publication – on Tuesday 12 November, at 2:26pm – a journalist acting on behalf of the publication emailed the complainant’s Press Office. The email included the following:

“A Daily Telegraph columnist […] was visited on Sunday at 9.40 am by two police officers who told she had been reported for a non crime hate incident. She was told by them it related to a social media post a year ago which a complainant felt was inciting racial hatred. She lives at [address]. Can you confirm if this is correct, why it was done and whether it was proportionate in light of the reforms to the NCHI criteria in the past year.”

12. In response, the Press Office initially said that they were unsure whether they would be able to fully and properly respond to the publication by the end of the day “given the time of the day”. At 4:03pm, the Press Office responded as follows:

“I've just had a conversation with some officers with knowledge of this. Given what they've told me and what the now-live investigation is focusing on, it feels like an odd and potentially dangerous approach to take from the Telegraph's side? I would very strongly urge you not to publish anything on this - but I acknowledge your stance on this is that 'he would say that'. Are you aware what the investigation relates to?”

13. This was then followed by a further email, sent from the Press Office at 6:02pm:

“We’re investigating a report which was passed to us by another force. The report relates to a social media post which was subsequently removed. An investigation is now being carried out under section 17 of the Public Order Act. As part of that investigation, officers attended an address in [town] on Sunday 10 November to invite a woman to attend a voluntary interview on the matter. At this stage, we’re awaiting confirmation of her available dates.

“NOTES / GUIDANCE Please be aware that it is clear that the Telegraph is not aware of the precise details of the report and to insinuate that, at this stage, the report is being treated as anything other than a criminal matter would be factually inaccurate. This does not mean that the report will result in criminal action, but at this stage it is an ongoing, live investigation. Please also be aware that the woman in question is yet to provide a voluntary account and we would again urge you to allow that to take place before any story is published to protect the integrity of her account. You will also be aware that any account given outside of a police setting could be treated as evidential and risks impacting on the investigation.”


14. The complainant said that both articles inaccurately reported that the columnist was being investigated in relation to a Non-Crime Hate Incident (NCHI), in breach of Clause 1. It said that the matter was being investigated as a criminal matter; namely, as a public order offence of inciting racial hatred. The complainant said this was made clear in its pre-publication correspondence with the newspaper.

15. A NCHI, explained the complainant, is defined as “any incident where a crime has not been committed, but where it is perceived by the reporting person or any other person that the incident was motivated by hostility or prejudice”. A Hate Crime, meanwhile, was “any criminal offence which is perceived by the victim or any other person to be motivated by a hostility or prejudice”.

16. The complainant also said that it had reviewed the bodyworn footage, taken by the officers who attended the writer’s home. It said this showed the writer was “clearly told the visit relates to a matter of inciting racial hatred” and that the bodyworn footage then showed that the writer “incorrectly state[d] to attending officers that the matter is a non hate crime incident”.

17. The complainant said it was not able to share the bodyworn footage with IPSO or the publication, initially due to concerns that it would be unfair to the writer to divulge information about her such as her home address, and because it related to a live criminal investigation. Later, during IPSO’s investigation, and after a decision was made not to charge the writer, the complainant said it was not able to share the footage due to the need to protect the writer’s personal data.

18. It proposed to arrange for staff at IPSO to watch the footage; however, as IPSO’s regulations require that all information upon which the Complaints Committee bases its decision on is made available to both parties, and the complainant did not wish to share the footage with the publication, the footage was not ultimately given to IPSO in this manner.

19. While the footage itself was not supplied to IPSO, the complainant shared the following excerpt from a transcript of the bodyworn footage:

Officer: It’s gone down as an incident or offence of potentially inciting racial hatred online. That would be the offence.

Officer: Because of what’s been alleged and the evidence that we’ve got, I need to just ask you some questions.

Officer: It’s what’s been alleged and if there’s an offence, we need to ask questions about then we need to do that.


It said that the above excerpt was presented verbatim and in chronological order – though without the writer’s responses.

20. The complainant then said that both articles inaccurately reported that, during the interaction with the writer, the “two policemen exchanged glances. Clearly, the Kafkaesque situation made no sense to them, either.” It said the writer could not speak on behalf of its officers, and it was inaccurate to report that they did not know why they had been sent to speak to the writer.

21. Turning next to the pre-publication contact from the newspaper, the complainant said that it had not been given sufficient time to respond to the newspaper’s queries. The complainant also expressed concern that the publication had disregarded the not-for-publication guidance it had been given, and the fact that it was unaware of the full circumstances of the case – it said that, beyond the emails it had exchanged with the newspaper, there had also been “substantial verbal guidance given over the telephone […] that this is NOT a non-crime hate incident, but it is rather being treated as a crime under section 17 of the Public Order Act”.

22. The complainant also said that the newspaper had acted unethically, as it had passed its comment – provided for the purposes of publication – to the writer, and this was clear to see from reading her column.

23. The publication did not accept a breach of the Code. It first said that the brief transcript provided by the complainant was “wholly inadequate”, as it lacked context – including, for example, the writer’s responses to the police officers. It said, for this reason, the transcript could not be relied on as evidence to support the complainant’s position.

24. Turning to the specific inaccuracies alleged by the complainant, it said that the column was a first-person account of what the writer believed she had been told by the police – the column was clearly her understanding of the events that had transpired, was appropriately distinguished as such, and she was entitled to recount her perceived experience.

25. It said that, as a woman of good character with no criminal record, she had been shocked and upset by the police officers’ visit; it was therefore unsurprising, it said, that her recollection of the event would be confused, but she genuinely believed that she was being accused of an NCHI. It said it was worth noting that the words “hatred” and “incident” had been used in the portion of the transcript provided by the complainant, and that the complainant had confirmed that the writer had told officers she understood she was being visited in relation to an NCHI.

26. The publication also said that the news article did not report that the writer was being investigated in relation to a NCHI; on the contrary, it made clear that “officers had opened an investigation under section 17 of the Public Order Act 1986 relating to material allegedly ‘likely or intended to cause racial hatred’” and that “Police sources indicated that it was being treated as a criminal matter rather than a non-crime hate incident”. While it noted that the news article did report that the writer understood from the officers she was being investigated as a result of an NCHI complaint, this was immediately followed by the force’s position that the offence was being treated as a criminal matter. It did not accept, therefore, that the article could be inaccurate or misleading on this point.

27. The publication next turned to the complaint that both articles inaccurately reported, as fact, that the two officers did not know why they were attending the writer’s address. It said that the columnist was entitled to write about her interactions with the officers, and her perception of their behaviours and demeanour. It said that, in describing the “glance” exchanged by the officers, and her interpretation of it, the writer was not making a factual assertion. Rather, she was giving the reader “a flavour of her exchange with the officers” – it was not a verbatim recording or transcript of what had occurred, and was not presented as such.

28. Regarding whether or not the complainant had been given sufficient time to respond to its pre-publication questions, the newspaper said that the complainant had been given “ample time to respond to a very simple set of facts”. It said this was shown by the correspondence between its reporter and the complainant’s press office, which showed that the office had been fully briefed on the subject. It further noted that the statement provided by the force had been published, and disputed that the press office’s off-the-record briefing had been ignored – while, it said, it was clear the complainant did not want the story to be published, this did not mean that the decision to publish represented a breach of the Code.

29. The publication then said it “rejected entirely” any allegation of unethical behaviour, or that sharing the for-publication comment provided by the complainant with the writer represented such behaviour. It noted that this statement would have been available to her as a reader of the news article at any rate, and it did not accept that it could be unethical for a journalist to share an on-the-record statement for publication with a colleague.

30. The complainant again said it could not share the bodyworn footage, as it was evidence in a then-ongoing criminal investigation. It said that, while the publication may consider the section of the transcript to be inadequate, it said it “unequivocally” demonstrated the purpose of the visit was made clear.

31. The complainant also said that the news article did not make clear that the offence was being treated as a criminal matter, despite the inclusion of its statement, because it believed the article did not clearly distinguish between NCHIs and alleged hate crimes. It said the inaccurate reporting was compounded because the newspaper had then sought critical comments “on the false premise that the officers were calling at the reporter’s home in regard to a possible NCHI”. It also said that, while it could not supply the bodyworn footage or full transcript for the reasons it had previously set out, it could confirm that the two officers did not use the words “non crime hate incident” or “NCHI” during the interaction.

32. While the complainant accepted that the officers’ visit would have upset and shocked the writer, it said this did not excuse any inaccuracies within the column – the publication had received a comment and not-for-publication guidance clarifying the purpose of the visit.

Relevant Clause Provisions

Clause 1 (Accuracy)

i) The Press must take care not to publish inaccurate, misleading or distorted information or images, including headlines not supported by the text.

ii) A significant inaccuracy, misleading statement or distortion must be corrected, promptly and with due prominence, and — where appropriate — an apology published. In cases involving IPSO, due prominence should be as required by the regulator.

iii) A fair opportunity to reply to significant inaccuracies should be given, when reasonably called for.

iv) The Press, while free to editorialise and campaign, must distinguish clearly between comment, conjecture and fact.

Relevant IPSO Regulations

Annex C

Transparency

8. The Regulator will ensure that both parties have had sight of any material on which the Complaints Committee may rely in reaching a determination on the complaint, including correspondence from the other party.

Findings of the Committee

33. The Committee noted that a key issue at the core of the complaint being made was precisely what was said during the interaction between the columnist and the two officers at her home. The Committee was not in a position to know precisely what had said, however, it considered the terms of the Editors’ Code did not require it to. The question for the Committee was whether, in reporting on this interaction, care had been taken not to publish significantly inaccurate, misleading, or distorted information; and whether the articles contained information that was significantly inaccurate, misleading, or distorted. Therefore, the Committee turned first to whether the newspaper had taken care over the accuracy of the claim – made in the column – that two police officers, during the visit, “told [the writer] that they were here to inform [her] that [she] had been accused of a non-crime hate incident (NCHI)”.

34. Prior to the article’s publication, this claim had been put directly to the police force, in the following terms: “A Daily Telegraph columnist […] was visited on Sunday at 9.40 am by two police officers who told she had been reported for a non crime hate incident.” While the complainant had said that it had not been given sufficient time to respond to this email, it had responded within four hours, with both a for-publication comment and a not-for-publication note. Neither the comment nor the background note responded to the claim that the writer had been told that she had been “told she had been reported for a non crime hate incident”. While both pieces of correspondence made clear that the police were investigating the matter as a potential criminal offence, the position regarding what the writer had been told during the visit had not been disputed or corrected.

35. The column in question had clearly been prepared taking this comment into account, given it had been quoted in the column. Therefore, given the claim was put directly to the complainant prior to the article’s publication, and its response published in the article – and the comment and background note did not engage with the question of what the columnist had been told during the visit – the Committee was satisfied that care had been taken not to publish inaccurate information on this point. There was, therefore, no breach of Clause 1 (i).

36. The disputed claim had been repeated in the news article as follows: “In an article for today’s Telegraph, [the columnist] said she was told by one officer that ‘I was accused of a non-crime hate incident (NCHI).” This was then followed again by the force’s statement, and the following sentence: “Police sources indicated that it was being treated as a criminal matter rather than an NCHI”. The Committee was therefore satisfied that care had been taken; again, the pre-publication statement and off-the-record guidance had clearly been referred to in the article, and care was taken to present the police force’s position – regarding the actual purpose of the investigation – alongside what the writer had ”said” occurred during the visit. There was, therefore, no breach of 1 (i) in relation to the news article’s reporting on this point.

37. The Committee next turned to whether either of the articles were significantly inaccurate or misleading on the above points, regardless of the care taken over their accuracy.

38. The column did not qualify its claim that the writer had been “told” that she had “been accused of a non-crime hate incident (NCHI)”. After setting out the police force’s statement regarding the investigation, including its position that she was being investigated “under Section 17 of the Public Order Act 1986, relating to material allegedly ‘likely or intended to cause racial hatred’”, the article said “but that’s not what I was told on Sunday”.

39. However, the Committee noted that the column did make clear that the matter was being treated as a “criminal matter” – regardless of what was said during the interaction – and that the description of the interaction at the writer’s house was clearly framed as her perspective of the interaction. It also set out the precise nature of the investigation against the writer, and that it was a criminal matter. Given this, the Committee did not consider that the article was significantly inaccurate in how it set out the writer’s perspective of what had happened during the interaction – particularly taking into account it was not in dispute that, at some point during the interaction, the columnist had mentioned NCHIs, and the Committee was not in a position to know precisely what was said in response. The Committee particularly considered this to be the case where the extract from the bodyworn footage transcript – provided by the complainant – was ambiguous in its reference to “an incident or offence”; it did not specifically say that the writer had been accused as a criminal offence. The column, on this point, did not breach Clause 1 (ii).

40. The news article clearly attributed the claim that the writer said “she was told by one officer that ‘I was accused of a non-crime hate incident (NCHI)” to the writer. This was then followed by the police’s statement, which made clear that “[a]n investigation is now being carried out under section 17 of the Public Order Act.’” The article also referenced “[p]olice sources” who, according to the article, had ”indicated that it was being treated as a criminal matter rather than an NCHI”. The news article therefore made clear that it was the writer who had claimed that she had been told by an officer that she had been accused of an NCHI, and that the police had said that it was instead being treated as a criminal matter. The news article, therefore, was not significantly inaccurate, misleading, or distorted on this point, and there was no breach of Clause 1 (ii).

41. The complainant had said that both articles breached Clause 1 by reporting the following comment from the writer: “The two policemen exchanged glances. Clearly, the Kafkaesque situation made no sense to them, either.” The Committee considered that this was clearly distinguished as the writer’s interpretation of the police officer’s demeanours during the interaction – it could not reasonably be understood as a claim of fact that the writer knew precisely what the officers were thinking. This was, therefore, distinguished from fact in line with the terms of Clause 1 (iv), and there was no breach of the Code on this point.

42. The complainant had alleged that the publication had acted unethically by passing it’s for-publication comment to the columnist, as she was – at the time the comment was passed to her – involved in a live police investigation. The Committee noted that the comment appeared in the news article less than five hours after it had originally been given to the publication, and that the comment had been prepared for the purposes of publication – and therefore to be disseminated to a large audience, including the writer. Further, it noted that Clause 1 (i), which requires publications to take care not to publish inaccurate, misleading, or distorted information, would – on occasion – require newspapers to take such pre-publication comments into consideration when preparing articles. In this specific case, the comment set out the precise nature of the police investigation, and passing it to the writer allowed her to take it into account in the preparation and publication of her own article, and to take care not to publish inaccurate information. Finally, the Committee noted that the Code does not prohibit journalists within publications from passing information to one another as part of the newsgathering process, provided the Code is not otherwise breached. Taking these factors into account, there was, therefore, no breach of Clause 1 on this point.

43. The complainant had also said that Clause 1 had been breached because it had not been given sufficient time to respond to the newspaper’s pre-publication request for comment; because the publication had disregarded the not-for-publication guidance it had been given; and because the article had been published despite the fact that the publication was unaware of the full circumstances of the case.

44. The Committee noted that the complainant had been able to prepare a full response to the request for comment, prior to the articles’ publication, and that this comment had appeared in both articles under complaint. It further noted that the request for comment had been made to a Press Office – the part of the organisation dedicated to answering such queries – during normal working hours. Therefore, the Committee did not consider that the time given to the complainant to prepare a response represented a failure to take care not to publish inaccurate information, as the response was received and published in both articles under complaint. There was no breach of Clause 1 on this point.

45. Both articles under complaint made clear that the matter was being treated as a criminal matter. Given this was the focus of the not-for-publication guidance provided by the complainant, the Committee did not consider that there was a basis for finding that this guidance had been ignored, and there was no breach of Clause 1.

46. The complainant had said that the articles should not have been published, as the publication was not aware of the full circumstances of the case, and had attempted to dissuade the newspaper from publishing the articles under complaint. The Committee noted that, on occasion, the press will report on ongoing investigations, and the Code does not forbid it from doing so. It further noted the role that the press plays in reporting on the criminal justice system, and that – provided that the Code is not breached – there is no bar on the media reporting on ongoing and developing cases, and doing so can serve the public interest, for example by holding institutions to account, or by reporting on matters of ongoing public debate. While the publication was still required to take care not to publish inaccurate, misleading, or distorted information – for example, by reaching out to the relevant police forces for comment – reporting on a then-ongoing police investigation did not represent a breach of the Code. There was no breach of Clause 1.

Conclusions

47. The complaint was not upheld.

Remedial action required

48. N/A



Date complaint received: 13/11/2024

Date complaint concluded by IPSO: 08/04/2025

Harry also lost his court case so opted for a fresh round of slagging off his family. I'll leave that for the apt thread but am going to preserve one little treat.
The duke also said the situation was "initiated under a previous government" and said he would ask Sir Keir Starmer and Home Secretary Yvette Cooper to "step in".
What an entitled cunt.
 
What Reform needs to do here is make sure that each of their constituents - especially those who don't give a shit about politics - know they have a Reform council.

Good, honest, sensible change that most people would struggle to find an issue with. Maybe then this national apathy to politics could reverse a little and we get back to some kind of normalcy.

But hey. nothing ever happens, so more than likely the zoomer babies and ex-UKIP Norf FC members that got elected under Reform today will arrive at the council on their first day and start infighting loudly and publicly.
I'm pretty much a dyed-in-the-wool Reformer and Farage supporter, but yes I 100% agree that openness and transparency is going to be key moving forward.

My constituency voted for Labour in the 2024 GE, yet Reform came second and scored just short of 8,000 from a standing start - one thing which could have helped the party locally to me is more people knowing more about the candidate and what the party really stands for (not what the BBC etc. say that they do).

I'm not so sure about the infighting - I certainly hope that it's not the case as the Right should put people and the cause first and egos a very distant second. In time, we will need to unite the tribes/parties but that's for when we're elected into office.

We're now witnessing real change and the Woke ones are beginning to realise that raging, crying, screeching, threatening, sobbing and having fits and breakdowns is not going to stop the Reform UK momentum.

Farage may or may not be 'controlled' but the message and missive is more important than even him - Reform UK would run the country far better than any other party, but they now have to agree to not just a five year plan but a twenty or even fifty year plan to make sure that the UK can once again be a strong, powerful, independent and sovereign nation. To do that, we need to get more young people involved and to be able to pass the baton over in 2029 or whenever to a new leader who can then take the party and possibly country forward through the 2040s and 2050s.

If the past five years have taught us anything, it's that change can come at any time and nothing now is certain nor for granted - those days have gone, them rules is done.
 
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I'm not so sure about the infighting - I certainly hope that it's not the case as the Right should put people and the cause first and egos a very distant second.
I'm naturally inclined towards Farage's politics. Yes, he's a charlatan. He's a liar, a backstabber and a bit of a coward when it comes to not showing up to election counts when it seems like his candidate might lose. But he doesn't hate me because of who I am like everyone who's been in government for the past 20+ years.

  1. Douglas Carswell defined a good portion of UKIP.
  2. You had Banks/Cummings/Johnson during the Leave campaign locking horns with Farage and essentially running two different campaigns for the same goal all because they couldn't stand each other.
  3. You had the UKIP Tommy Robinson stuff in 2017 (yes, not Farage's fault but it shows a pattern)
  4. More recently the Lowe stuff.
I consider this part-and-parcel with Farage, though and I've made my bones. I don't like the guy but I can actually stomach putting a cross next to his party's candidate's name without feeling like I've betrayed myself and my country.

openness and transparency is going to be key moving forward.
You know how well this would tie into their election message in 2024 with the 'Contract' manifesto? Imagine receiving a Reform-branded leaflet on the first week of the new council and it just goes through and just outright says:

Immigration
Funding auditing
etc...etc...

Think we haven't delivered by the next election? Vote us out. We work for you, after all.
That is a bold, rambunctious move that a lot of voters would notice. Not to mention the enby skeeters on BlueSky who would share pictures of the hate speech they were sent in the post (ironically sharing it to millions more).

That shit'd either be a blessing or a curse but would mean if one council is poorly-run then it can be deflected and just narrowed down to that council unless a pattern starts to emerge.

The secretary at my local Reform ward has worked with Farage for coming up to 2 decades now, and she says that a lot of the failings when UKIP got local governance was because the other parties considered them persona non grata and refused to help the newly-elected (most of them first-timers) UKIP councillors with handing over casework or anything. So they were just left to fall on the spike left in that council.
 
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