(U) Mossadeq Challenges the Shah
(U) At the same time that he was quarreling with the British, Mossadeq also was
struggling against the Shah. He insisted that the Shah should reign and not rule. To that
end, he worked to enhance the power of the Majlis at the Shah’s expense. The flash point
came in July 1952, when Mossadeq resigned during a dispute over whether the Shah or
the Prime Minister should appoint the war minister.
(U) During the elections for the 17th Majlis earlier in the year, vote—tampering by
the Iranian Royal Court had convinced Mossadeq that the govemment’s survival
depended on control of the military. On 16 July he demanded the right to appoint himself
minister of war. The Shah refused and Mossadeq resigned.19 Mossadeq appealed
directly to the public and accused the Shah of violating the Constitution.
(U) Mossadeq’s resignation initially appeared to be a shrewd political move that
underscored his mastery of Iranian politics and his ability to gauge and exploit public
opinion. The Shah appointed Ahmad Qavam, Prime Minister during the Azeri crisis with
the Soviet Union in 1947, to succeed Mossadeq. In response, the National Front, a broad
coalition formed in 1949, organized mass demonstrations in Tehran demanding
Mossadeq’s return. The demonstrations turned violent—69 people died and more than
750 were injured——but the Shah refused to use the police or the military to restore order.
Qavam lacked broad support and was unable to organize counter—demonstrations. For
five days the National Front controlled the streets of Tehran and other cities. On 21 July
1952 the Shah bowed to the pressure and replaced Qavam with Mossadeq.20
(U) Once back in power, Mossadeq struck back at the Shah and the military. He
transferred Reza Shah’s lands back to the State, appointed himself Minister of War,
forced the Shah’s twin sister Princess Ashraf to leave the country, and forbade
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi from communicating directly with foreign diplomats. By May
19(U) M. Reza Ghods, Iran in the Twentieth Century: A Political History (Boulder, CO: Lynne
Rienner Publishers, 1989), p. 186. Mossadeq wrote
I cannot continue in office without having the responsibility for the
Ministry of War, and since Your Majesty did not concede to this, I feel I
do not enjoy the full confidence of the Sovereign and, therefore, offer
my resignation to pave the way for another government which might be
able to carry out Your Majesty’s wishes.
(U) The Prime Minister also seized the opportunity to purge the Iranian officer
corps. He forcibly retired many Royalist officers, and cut the military budget 15%. To
add to the insult, Mossadeq transferred 15,000 men from the military to the Gendarmerie,
the military’s bureaucratic rival. These acts fueled smoldering resentment among the
dismissed officers and those few royalists escaping Mossadeq’s purge.22
(U) Mossadeq used his popularity and ability to control the streets of Tehran to
good advantage. When the British appeared intransigent during the oil negotiations, he
simply severed diplomatic relations in October 1952. All British personnel left the
country in an overland exodus at the beginning of November 1952.23
(U) Mossadeq’s apparent political triumph rapidly turned sour. The National
Front began to unravel in late 1952 and early 1953 as the Prime Minister grew
increasingly dictatorial. By November 1952, Ayatollah Abul Quassem Kashani, a key
Islamic cleric in the National Front, had tumed against Mossadeq and quit the Front, as
had Mozaffar Baqai’s Toilers’ Party. Kashani’s defection was a particularly hard blow
because his group, the Warriors of Islam, included the bazaar merchants of Tehran and
many mullahs (Islamic clerics). Support from these two groups historically has been
critical to Iranian govemments.24
(U) The reasons for the defections were complex. Although 30 of the 79 deputies
of the 17th Majlis, convened in February 1952, belonged to or identified with the
National Front, they represented different constituencies and interests were united only in
their opposition to the British. In addition, nationalization of the AIOC did not produce
the bonanza for Iran that Mossadeq had hoped it would. He began to demand more and
more power from the Majlis, and when the legislature granted the Prime Minister what
amounted to dictatorial powers, Ayatollah Kashani resigned as Majlis speaker. Toilers’
Party leader Mozaffar Baqai compared Mossadeq to Hitler and praised the army as a
bulwark against Communism.-25
(U) Some groups in the National Front continued to back Mossadeq. The Iran
Party still supported him, as did the Third Force, a splinter group expelled from the
Toilers’ Party.26 The Prime Minister also could still count on the backing of the Qashqai
tribes and—-more ominously—the Tudeh, Iran’s Communist Party. As support for
Mossadeq narrowed, the Tudeh would soon be the only group willing to take to the
streets on his behalf
(U) Ayatollah Kashani’s defection and increased squabbling among the deputies
effectively paralyzed the Majlis. Opposition po1iticians—inc1uding former Mossadeq
allies like Kashani—blocked the Prime Minister’s legislation. In early June 1953,
fistfights broke out in the Majlis. The Prime Minister won a temporary victory when
Abdullah Moazemi, a Mossadeq supporter, succeeded Kashani as speaker in a close
Majlis vote (41 to 31) on 1 July 1953. Mossadeq recognized, however, that the Majlis
was hopelessly deadlocked and that dissolution and new elections were necessary to
break the stalemate.27
(U) Under the Iranian constitution only the Shah could dissolve the Majlis. The
government could request him to do so. Mossadeq knew the Shah would not agree to
such a proposal, so he devised a plan to achieve the same end. He asked all National
Front members and supporters to resign, which they did, and simultaneously announced
the dissolution of the Majlis. The Iranian people, he held, could ratify or reject his
decision in a referendum on the theory that popular will superseded the constitution.
Iranian scholar Ervand Abrahamian has noted the irony in Mossadeq’s rationale.
“Mossadeq, the constitutional lawyer who had meticulously quoted the fundamental laws
against the shah,” Abrahamian wrote, “was now bypassing the same laws and resorting to
the theory of the general will.”28
(U) From 3 to 10 August 1953, Iranians voted on Mossadeq’s bold and
unconstitutional act. The results of the rigged election were never in doubt. Mossadeq
purposely excluded rural areas from the balloting, ostensibly because it would take too
long to count the votes from remote areas. The ballot was not secret, and there were
separate polling places for “yes” and “no.” In the end, Mossadeq claimed victory, gaining
“over 2,043,300 of the 2,044,600 ballots cast throughout the country and 101,396 of the
101,463 ballots cast in the capital.”29
(U) The dissolution of the Majlis and the tainted referendum alienated Iranian
liberals and conservatives alike. Jamal Imami, a pro-British member of the Majlis,
wamed that Mossadeq was leading the country toward anarchy. Ayatollah Kashani
declared the referendum illegal under Islamic religious law. At his trial in late 1953,
Mossadeq defended his actions on the grounds of popular sovereignty. “In view of the
Royal Court’s flagrant interference in the electoral process, we had to suspend the
remainder of the Majlis elections,” he told the court. “What else was left to us but
consulting the people in a most democratic method of direct plebiscite?”30
(U) A US Embassy assessment cabled to Washington shortly after the referendum
stated that the dissolution of the Majlis “will graphically demonstrate truism of
[Mossadeq’s] regime that as opposition and discontent have mounted, Mossadeq has
moved steadily in authoritarian direction using technique of mobocracy to maintain his
hold on power and to eliminate influence Shah.” Nonetheless, the Embassy thought
Mossadeq’s continued appeals to the street could boomerang because he lacked “any real
authoritarian organization aside from armed forces.” To compensate, according to the
Embassy, he would be forced to rely increasingly on the Tudeh, thereby alienating the
non-Communist followers of his Government.31