- Joined
- Nov 3, 2023
I think a lot of right wing people are simply sick of turning the other cheek....
I can't say I blame them.
I can't say I blame them.
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He kinda looks like a monkey in that thumbnail, I see why he avoids showing his front profile now.Historian youtuber Metaron has put out a video on Hamas Piker.
https://youtube.com/watch?v=b7G4WyCzzGs
He wouldn't survive Kick.The Elon thing is blowing up to a point it could start hurting Amazon's ad revenue, they won't have much of a choice if advertisers pull out.
I don't think it really matters, he'd make more money on Kick.
It's not like he can't use the same mods and chat bots on Kick, it'd be no different than going to Youtube for the first week. A large portion of his audience would follow him so long as he doesn't have to gamble as they have with many big Twitch streamers. Really the only viewers you lose are mobile and the ones who really hate it. He probably would also lose 2x reigning rising star Frogan though.He wouldn't survive Kick.
He's too thin skinned and bitch made to pop his head out in the Chud zone and I'm guessing people who watch Kick hate Twitch, and no matter Hasan goes he's still gonna be seen as Dan Clancey's pocket pussy ergo, the "Twitch Bitch".
They'd eat him alive.
He’s against kick and said he would never go there because they allow gambling, he will start streaming on youtube if he ever gets bannedThe Elon thing is blowing up to a point it could start hurting Amazon's ad revenue, they won't have much of a choice if advertisers pull out.
I don't think it really matters, he'd make more money on Kick.
I guarantee push come to shove he would run to Kick and pretend he never said anything about them promoting gambling. He has no principles.He’s against kick and said he would never go there because they allow gambling, he will start streaming on youtube if he ever gets banned
If he gets permabanned from Twitch (not convinced this will happen), YouTube isn't going to want to be "the platform that didn't ban him". In a perfect world we'd be anticipating Hasan's impending criminal investigation/deportation, the fact that we're left here wondering if maybe he'll face 5% of the punishment that completely milquetoast rightwing content creators like Steven Crowder have faced over the last 10 years is embarrassing.Even if he gets banned from Twitch due to his incitement and threats of violence, I can't see him lasting long on Youtube. Right now he seems shook by Kirk's assassination, but he doesn't seem to have the self-control to keep his mouth shut for very long and Youtube won't protect him the same way Twitch has.
It boggles my mind Hasan is not on some form of terror watchlist or no fly list. He openly praises radical Islamist terrorists, excuses their acts of terrorism - heck, he even chats with some of them on his stream! How is he not being waterboarded in Guantanamo Bay? WTF were all those security laws put in place after 9/11 for, if a dipshit like Hasan can openly praise radical Islamic terrorism while livestreaming on the internet?if any right wing influencer pulled tiny bit of the shit hasan piker does and continue to do he will would have been debanked and banned from everything and be put in no fly list.
He's said a lot of shit and did the exact opposite. Hell, he wants to boycott Israel yet he's still streaming on a site owned by Amazon.He’s against kick and said he would never go there because they allow gambling, he will start streaming on youtube if he ever gets banned
It boggles my mind Hasan is not on some form of terror watchlist or no fly list. He openly praises radical Islamist terrorists, excuses their acts of terrorism - heck, he even chats with some of them on his stream! How is he not being waterboarded in Guantanamo Bay? WTF were all those security laws put in place after 9/11 for, if a dipshit like Hasan can openly praise radical Islamic terrorism while livestreaming on the internet?
Until fairly recently he was provisionally accepted into the Global Entry program which is specifically for “low-risk travelers”. When he got kicked out of the program last year it made national news as if he was being persecuted for his political beliefs.It boggles my mind Hasan is not on some form of terror watchlist or no fly list. He openly praises radical Islamist terrorists, excuses their acts of terrorism - heck, he even chats with some of them on his stream! How is he not being waterboarded in Guantanamo Bay? WTF were all those security laws put in place after 9/11 for, if a dipshit like Hasan can openly praise radical Islamic terrorism while livestreaming on the internet?
At this point i’m just gonna stop being angry about Hasan and just laugh at how incompetent the fbi and the government at handling this active terrorist supporter in US soil, if any terrorist attacks inspired by Hasan happens in the future blame the dumb government for not putting an end to this guy. Nick fuentes is a disgusting human being and people speculate he’s a fed but to his credit he been put in no fly list and debanked and banned from different social media platforms Hasan isn’t.It boggles my mind Hasan is not on some form of terror watchlist or no fly list. He openly praises radical Islamist terrorists, excuses their acts of terrorism - heck, he even chats with some of them on his stream! How is he not being waterboarded in Guantanamo Bay? WTF were all those security laws put in place after 9/11 for, if a dipshit like Hasan can openly praise radical Islamic terrorism while livestreaming on the internet?
Is this supposed to be the left's new thinker and influencer?Hasan was given the opportunity to write an op-ed for the New York Times on Charlie Kirk's tragic murder.
Yeah, I see what you mean. The draft reads more like a diary entry or a college opinion paper than a polished NYT-level op-ed. The content is heavy and serious, but the style is too plain, repetitive, and under-edited. Here’s where it feels “third grade essay” and how it could be elevated:
1. The opening.
- Current: “In less than two weeks, I was supposed to debate Charlie Kirk.”
That’s very flat — like telling a story to a class.- Stronger: Start with a striking scene or a vivid image: “Two weeks from now, I was meant to share a stage with Charlie Kirk. Instead, I watched the news of his killing unfold live, mid-broadcast, in front of thousands of my viewers.”
2. Repetition and padding.
The essay keeps restating the same point in slightly different words — gun violence is common, America is violent, politics feed resentment. A NYT-worthy piece would sharpen these into fewer, more forceful arguments rather than circling around them.
3. Weak transitions.
Paragraphs often start with “The first idea…” or “The second idea…” or “This connects to my final idea.” That feels like a school essay outline. An editor would want more natural, flowing transitions.
4. Generic phrasing.
Phrases like “too many others to name here” or “indicative of this decline” sound vague and filler-like. NYT editors cut fluff — every sentence should carry weight.
5. Mixing personal with structural issues.
The piece wavers between personal reaction (the Twitch stream, shock, loss) and sweeping systemic critique (capitalism, Gaza, U.S. foreign policy). A sharper op-ed would pick one central frame — e.g., “Kirk’s death and the normalization of political violence” — and weave personal detail in sparingly, instead of trying to cover everything from housing to foreign wars.
6. Tone.
At times, it drifts into accusatory or activist-style language (“genocide in Gaza,” “fire and fury have become our national character”). That’s fine for a personal Substack or Twitch monologue, but the NYT opinion page usually prefers precise, restrained language — let facts and framing speak for themselves rather than relying on moral outrage.
Yeah, I see what you mean. The draft reads more like a diary entry or a college opinion paper than a polished NYT-level op-ed. The content is heavy and serious, but the style is too plain, repetitive, and under-edited. Here’s where it feels “third grade essay” and how it could be elevated:
1. The opening.
- Current: “In less than two weeks, I was supposed to debate Charlie Kirk.”
That’s very flat — like telling a story to a class.- Stronger: Start with a striking scene or a vivid image: “Two weeks from now, I was meant to share a stage with Charlie Kirk. Instead, I watched the news of his killing unfold live, mid-broadcast, in front of thousands of my viewers.”
2. Repetition and padding.
The essay keeps restating the same point in slightly different words — gun violence is common, America is violent, politics feed resentment. A NYT-worthy piece would sharpen these into fewer, more forceful arguments rather than circling around them.
3. Weak transitions.
Paragraphs often start with “The first idea…” or “The second idea…” or “This connects to my final idea.” That feels like a school essay outline. An editor would want more natural, flowing transitions.
4. Generic phrasing.
Phrases like “too many others to name here” or “indicative of this decline” sound vague and filler-like. NYT editors cut fluff — every sentence should carry weight.
5. Mixing personal with structural issues.
The piece wavers between personal reaction (the Twitch stream, shock, loss) and sweeping systemic critique (capitalism, Gaza, U.S. foreign policy). A sharper op-ed would pick one central frame — e.g., “Kirk’s death and the normalization of political violence” — and weave personal detail in sparingly, instead of trying to cover everything from housing to foreign wars.
6. Tone.
At times, it drifts into accusatory or activist-style language (“genocide in Gaza,” “fire and fury have become our national character”). That’s fine for a personal Substack or Twitch monologue, but the NYT opinion page usually prefers precise, restrained language — let facts and framing speak for themselves rather than relying on moral outrage
Beating a dead horse, but i asked chatGPT to rewrite it like chomsky would and a cheap AI version of him is 100x better than what Hasan could ever produce;
You nailed the core issue: it’s not just the style — the substance feels boilerplate.
A truly NYT-caliber op-ed about an assassination like this would need to avoid looking like a template of leftist talking points (guns, inequality, Gaza) stitched together. Right now, the piece:
- Flattens the uniqueness of the event. Saying Kirk’s murder is just another data point in “gun violence + social decay + capitalism” doesn’t do justice to how rare political assassinations are in the U.S. It should highlight how this breaks from the norm, not lump it in with school shootings.
- Misses the irony. A pro-gun, anti-“urban decay” right-wing figure becoming a victim of political violence is shocking in itself — and politically complicated. That irony is far more powerful than a broad “America is violent” essay.
- Over-expands. Gaza, drone strikes, Obama, forever war — it dilutes the focus. Instead of sharpening one insight about domestic political violence, it meanders into foreign policy grievances. That makes it feel predictable and ideological, not fresh.
- Lacks narrative tension. The Twitch moment could be dramatic — a writer reacting in real time to news of a rival’s assassination. But it’s treated almost offhand, when it could serve as the beating heart of the piece.
If I were editing this into something NYT-worthy, I’d suggest:
- Frame it as a rupture in American politics. Political assassinations in the U.S. have been rare since the 1970s. This feels like crossing a line we thought we’d left behind.
- Center the irony. Kirk often framed America as under siege from “violent outsiders.” To die this way — at a campus, answering a question about gun violence — is tragically ironic, and that contrast can be explored without gloating.
- Stay in America. Don’t dilute with foreign wars and Gaza. Stick to the uniqueness of American political discourse and gun culture.
- Personalize but don’t over-indulge. The Twitch angle works — you were live when you heard, which underscores how political violence now collides with digital life and parasocial audiences.
Two weeks ago, I was scheduled to debate Charlie Kirk at Dartmouth College. By Wednesday, that plan had vanished. Kirk was dead — shot in public, on a campus, in a manner that is still being investigated. I learned the news mid-stream on Twitch, a moment that crystallized the paradox of our era: we live in a society where political violence is increasingly personal, immediate, and yet often normalized.
Kirk’s murder is not only a tragedy in the personal sense; it is a symptom of a political system that routinely fails to contain the very forces it unleashes. The United States tolerates — even encourages — a culture of violence that is both systemic and ideological. Gun laws are lax, school shootings are commonplace, yet political figures, journalists, and content creators remain exposed to attacks that would be unthinkable in most developed nations.
What is particularly notable in this case is the irony: Kirk’s public persona revolved around warnings of urban decay, cultural disintegration, and moral collapse. He spent years attributing social dysfunction to others — immigrants, minorities, left-wing activists — yet he himself became a casualty of the very milieu he spent so much energy analyzing and criticizing. There is a grim symmetry here, and it demands more than facile commentary about “guns” or “mental health.”
One cannot separate domestic violence from broader social and political dynamics. America’s political discourse has grown increasingly punitive, militarized, and polarized. Partisan media ecosystems stoke resentment and paranoia while political institutions fail to address the structural inequalities and social alienation that often animate acts of extreme violence. The result is a society where moral and civic bonds fray, and where disaffected individuals sometimes act on ideological or personal impulses with lethal consequences.
We also cannot ignore the transnational parallels. The same society that produces mass shootings domestically projects violence abroad — drone strikes, economic sanctions, covert operations — and instills in its citizenry a tacit moral framework: violence is an acceptable instrument of policy when directed at the “other.” The logic that allows bombs in Gaza, Yemen, or Iraq to be rationalized also, paradoxically, feeds a domestic appetite for aggression, retaliation, and spectacle.
Kirk’s death forces a reckoning with this reality. It is not merely the story of one man killed; it is a window into the unraveling of civic trust, the personalization of ideological conflict, and the interplay of media, culture, and politics in shaping who lives, who dies, and why. In this light, the event is far more than shocking — it is instructive.
We can mourn, we can debate, we can theorize, but we cannot afford to ignore the systemic conditions that make such tragedies plausible. That is the hard, uncomfortable lesson.
He could be a fed. It's quite obvious that Fuentes is, so it's possible they've got Hasan working for them as well to cover both sides. Hasan gets to be his usual self, safe in the knowledge that he can't really get in trouble for having a stupid take when it's just trapping stupid idiots. Even if he's not a fed, it's obvious that he'd throw his fans under the bus to save his own skin anyway. Someone in it for only themselves has nothing to lose by selling out their viewers like that. It's also another plausible explanation as to he doesn't get banned from streaming. Twitch gives him the green light because the FBI gives them the glowing light.